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1.
Zooarchaeological evidence has often been called on to help researchers determine prehistoric relative abundances of elk (Cervus elaphus) in the Greater Yellowstone ecosystem. Some interpret that evidence as indicating elk were abundant; others interpret it
as indicating elk were rare. Wildlife biologist Charles Kay argues that prehistoric faunal remains recovered from archaeological
sites support his contention that aboriginal hunters depleted elk populations throughout the Intermountain West, including
the Yellowstone area. To support his contention Kay cites differences between modern and prehistoric relative abundances of
artiodactyls, age and sex demographics of ungulates in the prehistoric record indicating selective predation of prime-age
females, and a high degree of fragmentation of artiodactyl bones indicating humans were under nutritional stress. Kay’s data
on taxonomic abundances are time and space averaged and thus mask much variation in elk abundances. When these data are not
lumped they suggest that elk were at some times, in some places, as abundant as they are today. Data on the age-sex demography
of artiodactyl prey are ambiguous or contradict Kay’s predictions. Bone fragmentation data are variously nonexistent or ambiguous.
The zooarchaeological implications of Kay’s aboriginal overkill hypothesis have not yet undergone rigorous testing.
Insightful comments of two anonymous reviewers helped improve this paper.
Lyman earned his Ph.D. in anthropology from the University of Washington in 1982. His research interests include the cultural
and natural history of the Pacific northwestern United States. He is presently a professor in, and chair of, the Department
of Anthropology at the University of Missouri-Columbia. 相似文献
2.
Christian Reiß 《Theorie in den Biowissenschaften》2007,126(4):155-164
Julius Schaxel is an almost forgotten figure in the history of early twentieth century biology. By focusing on his life and
work, I would like to illustrate several central developments in that period of history of biology. Julius Schaxel was an
early representative and organizer of theoretical biology, discussing and criticizing both Wilhelm Roux’s mechanism and Hans
Driesch’s vitalism. In addition to his theoretical work, Schaxel also did experimental research on developmental issues to
support his critique. In this paper, special emphasis is made on the negotiating practice of Schaxel, which he used to establish
a new area of biological research and a new audience for that area. In contrast to these new fields, Schaxel can be also portrayed
as the endpoint of a research tradition investigating ontogeny and phylogeny together, which today is called Evo–Devo. Following
Garland Allen’s dialectical processes that led to the decline of the Evo–Devo research agenda, Schaxel’s example is used to
investigate these processes. 相似文献
3.
S. S. Ditchkoff 《Oecologia》2000,125(1):82-84
In his landmark 1989 paper, R.R. Hofmann classified ruminants into three categories based upon digestive anatomy and preferred
forages, and proposed that divergence of feeding strategies among ruminants is a result of morphological evolution of the
digestive tract. Because of the hypothetical nature of these views and the ingrained beliefs that they challenged, several
papers were published that reported tests of Hofmann’s predictions. The consensus among these papers was that Hofmann’s predictions
were inadequate. I describe the experimental evidence that has been put forth in opposition to the ruminant diversification
hypothesis and contend that we have failed to adequately test Hofmann’s predictions.
Received: 11 October 1999 / Accepted: 6 April 2000 相似文献
4.
Trevor Pearce 《Journal of the history of biology》2010,43(3):493-528
In 1749, Linnaeus presided over the dissertation “Oeconomia Naturae,” which argued that each creature plays an important and particular role in nature’s economy. This phrase should be familiar
to readers of Darwin, for he claims in the Origin that “all organic beings are striving, it may be said, to seize on each place in the economy of nature.” Many scholars have
discussed the influence of political economy on Darwin’s ideas. In this paper, I take a different tack, showing that Darwin’s
idea of an economy of nature stemmed from the views of earlier naturalists like Linnaeus and Lyell. I argue, in the first
section of the paper, that Linnaeus’ idea of oeconomia naturae is derived from the idea of the animal economy, and that his idea of politia naturae is an extension of the idea of a politia civitatis. In the second part, I explore the use of the concept of stations in the work of De Candolle and Lyell – the precursor to Darwin’s concept of places. I show in the third part of the paper that the idea of places in an economy of nature is employed by Darwin at many key
points in his thinking: his discussion of the Galapagos birds, his reading of Malthus, etc. Finally, in the last section,
I demonstrate that the idea of a place in nature’s economy is essential to Darwin’s account of divergence. To tell his famous
story of divergence and adaptation, Darwin needed the economy of nature. 相似文献
5.
Raphael Chijioke Njoku 《Dialectical Anthropology》2007,31(1-3):45-64
It is difficult to completely understand the life history of an intellectual excluding an understanding of his family upbringing
and formative years. Family upbringing and childhood environment, often the less known part of a life history, play crucial
roles in shaping the ideas and values individuals espouse in their adult life. Notwithstanding, this paper is not concerned
with Don C. Ohadike’s childhood. It rather focuses on the professional career of our able historian – that is the part of
his life as revealed by his most outstanding published writings. Ohadike’s published works contain a wellspring of idioms
that tell much about his values, quality of mind, and his mission as an African historian. Ohadike was a humanist, an African
patriot, and a nationalist crusader. His entire philosophy centered on safeguarding his African identity in an emergent world
of cultural imperialism.
The funds for this research were provided by a NEH-funded fellowship at the Schomburg Center, New York in the Spring of 2007.
I owe a lot of gratitude to Professor John McLeod and Dean Blaine Hudson for granting me the extra incentives to pursue my
research in New York. While all errors and misinterpretations are mine, I wish to thank the editors and anonymous reviewers
for Journal of Dialectical Anthropology for their perspective comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this paper. 相似文献
6.
Susie Fisher 《Journal of the history of biology》2010,43(4):661-696
During the 1960s, Howard M. Temin (1934–1994), dared to advocate a “heretical” hypothesis that appeared to be at variance
with the central dogma of molecular biology, understood by many to imply that information transfer in nature occurred only
from DNA to RNA. Temin’s provirus hypothesis offered a simple explanation of both virus replication and viral-induced cancer
and stated that Rous sarcoma virus, an RNA virus, is replicated via a DNA intermediate. Popular accounts of this scientific
episode, written after the discovery of an RNA-directed DNA polymerase in 1970, tend to describe the reaction to his proposition
as ardent opposition. Typically these accounts use a ‹molecular biology’ standpoint emphasizing the central dogma’s part in
its rejection. In this article, however, this episode will be examined from a joint perspective of virology and experimental
cancer research. From this perspective it is clear that Temin’s work was well within the epistemological and methodological
boundaries of virology and cancer research. Still, scientists did have␣reasons to doubt the provirus hypothesis, but these
do not seem to be good enough to either justify an account that portrays Temin as a renegade or his ideas as heretical. 相似文献
7.
Cheryl A. Logan 《Journal of the history of biology》2007,40(4):683-725
In 1920, Eugen Steinach and Paul Kammerer reported experiments showing that exposure to high temperatures altered the structure
of the gonad and produced hyper-sexuality in “heat rats,” presumably as a result of the increased production of sex hormones.
Using Steinach’s evidence that the gonad is a double gland with distinct sexual and generative functions, they used their
findings to explain “racial” differences in the sexuality of indigenous tropical peoples and Europeans. The authors also reported
that heat induced anatomical changes in the interstitial cells of the gonad were inherited by the heat rats’ descendants.
Kammerer used this finding to link endocrinology to his long-standing interest in the inheritance of acquired characteristics.
The heat rats supported his hypothesis that the interstitial cells of the double gland were the mechanism of somatic induction
in the inheritance of acquired characteristics. The Steinach–Kammerer collaboration, Kammerer’s use of Steinach’s “puberty
gland” to explain somatic induction, and his endocrine analysis of symbiosis reveal Paul Kammerer’s late career attempt to
integrate endocrinology and genetics with the political ideals of Austrian socialism. With them he developed a bioethics that
challenged the growing reliance on race in eugenics and instead promoted cooperation over competition in evolution. I relate
his attempt to the controversies surrounding the interstitial cells, to the status of extra-nuclear theories of heredity,
and to Kammerer’s commitment to Austromarxist social reforms during the interwar period.
I am very grateful for the help of several archivists, including Valerie-Ann Lutz, Roy Goodman and Robert Cox at the American
Philosophical Society Library, Arlene Shaner at the New York Academy of Medicine, Shawn Wilson at the Kinsey Institute Library,
the staff at the Archives of the University of Vienna, and Yukiko Sakabe at the Austrian Academy of Sciences. Thanks are also
due to Andreas Lixl, who gave very helpful advice on German language and to many colleagues, including three anonymous reviewers,
Paul Silvia, Alyce Miller, and the late Gilbert Gottlieb, who provided valuable comments as readers of earlier drafts. My
discussions with Veronika Hofer have been especially rewarding. The research was funded by National Science Foundation grant
#0240151. 相似文献
8.
Teri D. Allendorf 《Biodiversity and Conservation》2007,16(7):2087-2102
Understanding people’s beliefs and attitudes toward protected areas is a key factor in developing successful management plans
to conserve those areas over the long-term. Yet, most of the emphasis in understanding people’s perceptions has been on the
conflicts that exist between people and protected areas, such as loss of traditional extraction access or damage by wildlife
to crops and livestock. This study addresses the need to explore people’s attitudes toward protected areas in a way that allows
them to define and describe the values they hold toward the areas and the relevant issues and concepts. Three contrasting
protected areas in the southwestern region of Nepal were chosen for this study to gain a broad representation of the values
people hold toward different types of protected areas. Three themes emerged that describe the positive perceptions residents
have: recreation/esthetics, environmental preservation, and economic benefits. Four themes emerged that describe the negative
perceptions: negative economic impacts, belief that benefits are for the government or foreigners, fear of wildlife, and negative
interactions with park guards. People’s perceptions are affected by different aspects of the areas, including the size of
the area and people’s access to them, management objectives, history, and tourism. The diversity of these perceptions suggests
that conservation strategies should recognize both positive and negative perceptions and work to foster and integrate diverse
values in order to more accurately reflect the reality and complexity of people’s lives. 相似文献
9.
Joseph O. Ogutu Norman Owen-Smith Hans-Peter Piepho Bernard Kuloba Joseph Edebe 《Biodiversity and Conservation》2012,21(4):1033-1053
Land use change and human population growth are accelerating the fragmentation and insularization of wildlife habitats worldwide.
The conservation and management of wildlife in the resultant ‘island’ ecosystems in the context of global warming is challenging
due to the isolation and reduced size of the ecosystems and hence the scale over which ecosystem processes can operate. We
analyzed trends in numbers of nine large herbivores in Kenya’s Lake Nakuru National Park to understand how rainfall and temperature
variability, surrounding land use changes, and boundary fencing affected wildlife population dynamics inside the park during
1970–2011. Buffalo, zebra and Thomson’s gazelle numbers increased persistently. Grant’s gazelle and impala increased initially
then gradually declined. Waterbuck and warthog numbers progressively declined to levels that potentially threatened their
local population persistence. The total biomass of ungulates tripled from 1970 to 2011, with buffalo replacing waterbuck as
the predominant species in biomass. Increased competition from buffalo and zebra, heightened predation and illicit human harvests
probably all contributed to the declines by waterbuck and warthog. Density-dependent limitation of population growth within
the park confines was evident for buffalo, impala, eland, giraffe, Grant’s and Thomson’s gazelles. Fluctuations in the lake
level related to varying rainfall affected changes in animal abundance through expansion of the lake area and flooding of
grasslands bordering the lake. Unusually, the most stressful conditions were associated with high water levels following high
rainfall. There was also evidence of carry-over effects from prior habitat conditions affecting all species. The relatively
stable populations of all species except warthog and waterbuck demonstrate the remarkable capacity of this small, insularized
park to retain viable populations of most of the large herbivores, without much management intervention. 相似文献
10.
Thomas M 《Journal of the history of biology》2005,38(3):425-460
Historians of science have only just begun to sample the wealth of different approaches to the study of animal behavior undertaken
in the twentieth century. To date, more attention has been given to Lorenzian ethology and American behaviorism than to other
work and traditions, but different approaches are equally worthy of the historian’s attention, reflecting not only the broader
range of questions that could be asked about animal behavior and the “animal mind” but also the different contexts in which
these questions were important. One such approach is that represented by the work of the French zoologist Louis Boutan (1859–1934).
This paper explores the intellectual and cultural history of Boutan’s work on animal language and the animal mind, and contextualizes
the place of animal behavior studies within late-nineteenth-and early-twentieth-century French biology. I explore the ways
in which Boutan addressed the philosophical issue of whether language was necessary for abstract thought and show how he shifted
from the idea that animals were endowed with a purely affective language to the notion that of they were capable of “rudimentary”
reasoning. I argue that the scientific and broader socio-cultural contexts in which Boutan operated played a role in this
transition. Then I show how Boutan’s linguistic and psychological experiments with a gibbon and children provide insights
into his conception of “naturalness.” Although Boutan reared his gibbon at home and studied it in the controlled environment
of his laboratory, he continued to identify its behavior as “natural.” I specifically demonstrate the importance of the milieu of the French Third Republic in shaping Boutan’s understanding not only of animal intelligence and child education, but also
his definition of nature. Finally, I argue that Boutan’s studies on the primate mind provide us with a lens through which
we can examine the co-invention of animal and child psychology in early-twentieth-century France. 相似文献
11.
Comfort N 《Journal of the history of biology》2011,44(4):651-669
Interviewing offers the biographer unique opportunities for gathering data. I offer three examples. The emphatic bacterial
geneticist Norton Zinder confronted me with an interpretation of Barbara McClintock’s science that was as surprising as it
proved to be robust. The relaxed setting of the human geneticist Walter Nance’s rural summer home contributed to an unusually
improvisational oral history that produced insights into his experimental and thinking style. And “embedding” myself with
the biochemical geneticist Charles Scriver in his home, workplace, and city enabled me to experience the social networks that
drive the practical events of his career, which in turn helped me explain the theoretical basis of his science. Face-to-face
interaction and multisensory experience will shape each biographer’s experience uniquely. Recent developments in sensory physiology
suggest that the experience of integrating sense data encourages different patterns of observation and reflection. It is reasonable,
then, to think that biography based on face-to-face interviews will, for a given author, have a different character than one
based entirely on documents. I reflect on how interviewing shapes my own writing and I encourage the reader to do the same. 相似文献
12.
Theunissen B 《Journal of the history of biology》2012,45(2):179-212
The analogy between artificial selection of domestic varieties and natural selection in nature was a vital element of Darwin’s
argument in his Origin of Species. Ever since, the image of breeders creating new varieties by artificial selection has served as a convincing illustration
of how the theory works. In this paper I argue that we need to reconsider our understanding of Darwin’s analogy. Contrary
to what is often assumed, nineteenth-century animal breeding practices constituted a highly controversial field that was fraught
with difficulties. It was only with considerable effort that Darwin forged his analogy, and he only succeeded by downplaying
the importance of two other breeding techniques – crossing of varieties and inbreeding – that many breeders deemed essential
to obtain new varieties. Part of the explanation for Darwin’s gloss on breeding practices, I shall argue, was that the methods
of his main informants, the breeders of fancy pigeons, were not representative of what went on in the breeding world at large.
Darwin seems to have been eager to take the pigeon fanciers at their word, however, as it was only their methods that provided
him with the perfect analogy with natural selection. Thus while his studies of domestic varieties were important for the development
of the concept of natural selection, the reverse was also true: Darwin’s comprehension of breeding practices was moulded by
his understanding of the working of natural selection in nature. Historical studies of domestic breeding practices in the
eighteenth and nineteenth century confirm that, besides selection, the techniques of inbreeding and crossing were much more
important than Darwin’s interpretation allowed for. And they still are today. This calls for a reconsideration of the pedagogic
use of Darwin’s analogy too. 相似文献
13.
Frank Marlowe 《Human nature (Hawthorne, N.Y.)》2000,11(1):27-42
Menopause is puzzling because life-history theory predicts there should be no selection for outliving one’s reproductive capacity.
Adaptive explanations of menopause offered thus far turn on women’s long-term investment in offspring and grandoffspring,
all variations on the grandmother hypothesis. Here, I offer a very different explanation. The patriarch hypothesis proposes
that once males became capable of maintaining high status and reproductive access beyond their peak physical condition, selection
favored the extension of maximum life span in males. Because the relevant genes were not on the Y chromosome, life span increased
in females as well. However, the female reproductive span was constrained by the depletion of viable oocytes, which resulted
in menopause.
Frank Marlowe, Ph.D., is Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Harvard University. He conducts research with the Hadza and
his interests include the behavioral ecology of mating systems, life-history theory, and cooperation. 相似文献
14.
Rape of women by men might be generated either by a specialized rape adaptation or as a by-product of other psychological
adaptations. Although increasing number of sexual partners is a proposed benefit of rape according to the “rape as an adaptation”
and the “rape as a by-product” hypotheses, neither hypothesis addresses directly why some men rape their long-term partners,
to whom they already have sexual access. In two studies we tested specific hypotheses derived from the general hypothesis
that sexual coercion in the context of an intimate relationship may function as a sperm competition tactic. We hypothesized
that men’s sexual coercion in the context of an intimate relationship is related positively to his partner’s perceived infidelities
and that men’s sexual coercion is related positively to their mate retention behaviors (behaviors designed to prevent a partner’s
infidelity). The results from Study 1 (self-reports from 246 men) and Study 2 (partner-reports from 276 women) supported the
hypotheses. The Discussion section addresses limitations of this research and highlights future directions for research on
sexual coercion in intimate relationships. 相似文献
15.
Erik L. Peterson 《Journal of the history of biology》2008,41(2):267-305
William Bateson (1861–1926) has long occupied a controversial role in the history of biology at the turn of the twentieth
century. For the most part, Bateson has been situated as the British translator of Mendel or as the outspoken antagonist of
W.␣F. R. Weldon and Karl Pearson’s biometrics program. Less has been made of Bateson’s transition from embryologist to advocate
for discontinuous variation, and the precise role of British and American influences in that transition, in the years leading
up to the publication of his massive Materials for the Study of Variation (1894). In this paper, I first attempt to trace Bateson’s development in his early career before turning to search for the
development of the moniker “anti-Darwinist” that has been attached to Bateson in well-known histories of the neo-Darwinian
Synthesis. 相似文献
16.
Sean A. Valles 《Biology & philosophy》2012,27(2):241-261
Two decades ago, the eminent evolutionary biologist George C. Williams and his physician coauthor, Randolph Nesse, formulated
the evolutionary medicine research program. Williams and Nesse explicitly made adaptationism a core component of the new program,
which has served to undermine the program ever since, distorting its practitioners’ perceptions of evidentiary burdens and
in extreme cases has served to warp practitioner’s understandings of the relationship between evolutionary benefits/detriments
and medical ones. I show that the Williams and Nesse program more particularly embraces the panselectionist variety of adaptationism
(the empirical assumption that non-adaptive evolutionary processes are causally unimportant compared to natural selection),
and argue that this has harmed the field. Panselectionism serves to conceal the enormous evidentiary hurdles that evolutionary
medicine hypotheses face, making them appear stronger than they are. I use two examples of evolutionary medicine texts, on
neonatal jaundice and on asthma, to show that some evolutionary medicine practitioners have allowed their fervent panselectionism
to directly shape their recommendations for clinical practice. I argue that this escalation of panselectionism’s influence
is inappropriate under Williams’ and Nesse original stated standards, despite being inspired by their program. I also show
that the examples’ conflation of clinical and evolutionary considerations is inappropriate even under Christopher Boorse’s
controversial evolution-rooted concepts of disease and health. 相似文献
17.
Eva Becsei-Kilborn 《Journal of the history of biology》2010,43(1):111-157
This article concerns itself with the reception of Rous’ 1911 discovery of what later came to be known as the Rous Sarcoma
Virus (RSV). Rous made his discovery at the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research which had been primarily established
to conduct research into infectious diseases. Rous’ chance discovery of a chicken tumor led him to a series of conjectures
about cancer causation and about whether cancer could have an extrinsic cause. Rous’ finding was received with some scepticism
by the scientific community that held that cancer was not infectious and favored explanations which located the origins of
cancer in the inner mechanism of the cell. After 4 years of unsuccessful effort to isolate and further determine the virus
Rous felt compelled to discontinue his work on cancer viruses. When 55 years later, the significance of Rous’s discovery was
attested by the award of the Nobel Prize, it opened up debates about the issues of delayed recognition and scientific reputation.
This article also considers why Rous’ hypothesis of a viral origin of cancer could not be incorporated into the existing body
of knowledge about cancer before the 1950s. 相似文献
18.
Steffes DM 《Journal of the history of biology》2007,40(2):327-361
Sewall Wright first encountered the complex systems characteristic of gene combinations while a graduate student at Harvard’s
Bussey Institute from 1912 to 1915. In Mendelian breeding experiments, Wright observed a hierarchical dependence of the organism’s
phenotype on dynamic networks of genetic interaction and organization. An animal’s physical traits, and thus its autonomy
from surrounding environmental constraints, depended greatly on how genes behaved in certain combinations. Wright recognized
that while genes are the material determinants of the animal phenotype, operating with great regularity, the special nature
of genetic systems contributes to the animal phenotype a degree of spontaneity and novelty, creating unpredictable trait variations by virtue
of gene interactions. As a result of his experimentation, as well as his keen interest in the philosophical literature of
his day, Wright was inspired to see genetic systems as conscious, living organisms in their own right. Moreover, he decided
that since genetic systems maintain ordered stability and cause unpredictable novelty in their organic wholes (the animal phenotype), it would be necessary for biologists to integrate
techniques for studying causally ordered phenomena (experimental method) and chance phenomena (correlation method). From 1914
to 1921 Wright developed his “method of path coefficient” (or “path analysis”), a new procedure drawing from both laboratory
experimentation and statistical correlation in order to analyze the relative influence of specific genetic interactions on
phenotype variation. In this paper I aim to show how Wright’s philosophy for understanding complex genetic systems (panpsychic
organicism) logically motivated his 1914–1921 design of path analysis. 相似文献
19.
Ben Jeffares 《Biology & philosophy》2010,25(1):125-142
I review the book “Making Prehistory: Historical Science and the Scientific Realism Debate” by Derek Turner. Turner suggests
that philsophers should take seriously the historical sciences such as geology when considering philosophy of science issues.
To that end, he explores the scientific realism debate with the historical sciences in mind. His conclusion is a view allied
to that of Arthur Fine: a view Turner calls the natural historical attitude. While I find Turner’s motivations good, I find
his characterisation of the historical sciences unconvincing. I say why in a section at the end of the review. The result
is that I am unpersuaded by his thesis. 相似文献
20.
Doogab Yi 《Journal of the history of biology》2008,41(4):589-636
The existing literature on the development of recombinant DNA technology and genetic engineering tends to focus on Stanley
Cohen and Herbert Boyer’s recombinant DNA cloning technology and its commercialization starting in the mid-1970s. Historians
of science, however, have pointedly noted that experimental procedures for making recombinant DNA molecules were initially
developed by Stanford biochemist Paul Berg and his colleagues, Peter Lobban and A. Dale Kaiser in the early 1970s. This paper,
recognizing the uneasy disjuncture between scientific authorship and legal invention in the history of recombinant DNA technology,
investigates the development of recombinant DNA technology in its full scientific context. I do so by focusing on Stanford
biochemist Berg’s research on the genetic regulation of higher organisms. As I hope to demonstrate, Berg’s new venture reflected
a mass migration of biomedical researchers as they shifted from studying prokaryotic organisms like bacteria to studying eukaryotic
organisms like mammalian and human cells. It was out of this boundary crossing from prokaryotic to eukaryotic systems through
virus model systems that recombinant DNA technology and other significant new research techniques and agendas emerged. Indeed,
in their attempt to reconstitute ‹life’ as a research technology, Stanford biochemists’ recombinant DNA research recast genes
as a sequence that could be rewritten thorough biochemical operations. The last part of this paper shifts focus from recombinant
DNA technology’s academic origins to its transformation into a genetic engineering technology by examining the wide range
of experimental hybridizations which occurred as techniques and knowledge circulated between Stanford biochemists and the
Bay Area’s experimentalists. Situating their interchange in a dense research network based at Stanford’s biochemistry department,
this paper helps to revise the canonized history of genetic engineering’s origins that emerged during the patenting of Cohen–Boyer’s
recombinant DNA cloning procedures. 相似文献