Nutrition transition and dietary energy availability in Eastern Europe after the collapse of communism.

After the economic transition of the late 1980s and early 1990s there was a rapid increase in overweight and obesity in many countries of Eastern Europe. This article describes changing availability of dietary energy from major dietary components since the transition to free-market economic systems among Eastern European nations, using food balance data obtained at national level for the years 1990-92 and 2005 from the FAOSTAT-Nutrition database. Dietary energy available to the East European nations satellite to the former Soviet Union (henceforth, Eastern Europe) was greater than in the nations of the former Soviet Union. Among the latter, the Western nations of the former Soviet Union had greater dietary energy availability than the Eastern and Southern nations of the former Soviet Union. The higher energy availability in Eastern Europe relative to the nations of the former Soviet Union consists mostly of high-protein foods. There has been no significant change in overall dietary energy availability to any category of East European nation between 1990-1992 and 2005, indicating that, at the macro-level, increasing rates of obesity in Eastern European countries cannot be attributed to increased dietary energy availability. The most plausible macro-level explanations for the obesity patterns observed in East European nations are declines in physical activity, increased real income, and increased consumption of goods that contribute to physical activity decline: cars, televisions and computers.     

How did East German genetics avoid Lysenkoism?

Lysenkoism gained favour in the Soviet Union during the 1930s and 1940s, replacing mendelian genetics. Opponents of Lysenko were dismissed from their jobs, imprisoned and, not infrequently, died. After World War II in some of the East European Soviet satellite states, Lysenkoism became the official genetics supported by the communist authorities, and thus, genetics and biology were set back many years. Yet the uptake of Lysenkoism was not uniform in the Eastern Bloc. The former East Germany (GDR) mostly escaped its influence, owing to the contribution of a few brave individuals and the fact that the country had an open border with the West (West Berlin).     

Greenhouse gas emission in West Siberia

The major gases contributing to the greenhouse effect are carbon dioxide and methane (60 and 15–18%, respectively). The former Soviet Union area accounts for 11% of the global methane flux on the average. However, virtually no records of methane flux were kept in Russia in the late 1980s-early 1990s. Inventories of methane emission in Russia were reported in the middle 1990s, but those data were confined to measurements performed by the early 1990s. This paper presents generalized data on methane and carbon dioxide emission from the surfaces of marsh ecosystems in West Siberia in the 1990s, when the majority of measurements were carried out.     

The New Dynamics of European Spaces since 1989

Since the collapse of the Soviet bloc, the term “Europe” has reached a new dimension. The fall of the Berlin Wall opened the East to the West and, in 1989, the European space moved up from two entities symbolically separated by a wall to one territorial unity. But we cannot say that this unity is a political one. This dichotomy is not based on two different political orientations, but on the adhesion or the non-adhesion to economic, political and especially moral principles. Thus two conceptions of the European space are competing. The term “Europe” has two major significations: firstly it refers to the European Union, and secondly to a Great Europe, including the states which have belonged to the former Soviet bloc. How can we define how this Great Europe perceived itself and what are its limits? The objective of this paper is to demonstrate that the two visions of the European space are under competition through two institutions. They convey two representations of this European space and imagine it in two perspectives. Therefore, the collapse of the Soviet bloc has altered in depth the perception of the European space and created a new dichotomy.     

Class,political power,and nationalism in Syria: a historical sociology of state-society relations

In the wake of the present crisis in the Middle East, this paper proposes to locate the processes of state formation and nation building within a larger historical context, recovering the historicity of the crisis. It records the rise and fall of a nationalist developmental project in Syria through an analysis of class relations. It highlights an essential continuity in the nature of class reproduction from the late Ottoman to the early independence period, centered on the conservative nationalism of the mercantile ruling bloc. It associates the rise of a national developmental project with the politicization of the “middle classes,” which occupied a central role in the state apparatus. This class represented the main driving force behind the expansion of the boundaries of political power and the process of nation building. It is the class polarization of society that fuelled the development of a nation-building project and favored the creation of a national populist alliance against the monopoly of traditional ruling classes. However, this alliance was short-lived, and the process of authoritarian demobilization that followed led to the resurgence of personal networks and the end of nation building.     

The alternative futures of naval force

Abstract

The paper discusses a series of new technologies and new strategic factors entering into naval power and their analytical consequences. The argument is made that (1) traditional ways of identifying “naval power”; no longer have any utility or carry real meaning; (2) current high‐value surface naval forces of declining utility are extremely vulnerable to attack, which will force a radical revaluation in the West of “sea control”; and the costs of such control; and (3) the Soviet Union, by virtue of its geography and its capacity to innovate in “sea denial”; naval force, may be better positioned that the West to take advantage of new antinaval technologies. Western countermeasures may be expensive, involve a radical restructuring of naval force, and mean the acceptance of permanent strategic vulnerability at sea. The “new era”; of naval politics cannot be divorced, analytically and operationally, from emergent space systems and from the strategic nuclear balance.     

The “proletarian disease” on stage. Theatrical anti-tuberculosis propaganda in the early Soviet Union

The present contribution analyses sanitary theatrical performances as a means of anti-tuberculosis propaganda in the early Soviet Union. Starting in the 1920s, sanitary theatrical performances were demonstrated in open-air theatres and clubhouses for workers and farmers. Since 1925, the newly founded Moscow Theatre for Sanitary Culture centrally managed the theatrical hygiene propaganda. It became a role model for other theatres of hygienic enlightenment and numerous sanitary amateur stages. Their anti-tuberculosis repertoire ranged from the so-called “mock trials” where a person or even Koch's bacillus must stand trial for the spreading of tuberculosis, to “living newspapers” which used entertainment elements such as music or acrobatics to provide a mass audience with the hygiene knowledge. The contribution describes in which images, figures and actions knowledge about tuberculosis was presented on stage, which genre traditions and communicative instruments were used and which changing political implications those performances were based on. To achieve this goal, the archive sources, selected texts of theatrical performances, reports and reviews in daily press have been evaluated.     

Nation-building,masculinity and entrepreneurship: memories of the “liberation of Kosovo” in Switzerland

Since the end of the Kosovo War in 1999 and the “liberation” of the territory from Serbian forces, narratives about the “freedom struggle” have been crafted and defended both in Kosovo and abroad. The transmission of these memories forms part of a broader effort to create a “national” history of Kosovo and constitute an “Albanian imagined community”. This article scrutinizes the memories of the “liberation” produced by Albanian-speaking migrants who were active on behalf of their homeland in Switzerland. It explores the construction of masculinities within narratives collected via oral history interviews. In line with the literature on “nation” and gender in Kosovo, this research acknowledges the presence of two main forms of masculinity: the “heroic fighter” and the “pacifist”. However, it also demonstrates the crystallization of the “entrepreneur”, an alternative type who integrates the transnational “neoliberal” discourses and proposes a more positive image of “Albanian men” in Switzerland.     

The “ethnic” in Indonesia’s communal conflicts: violence in Ambon,Poso, and Sambas

ABSTRACT

This article looks at the communal violence in Ambon, Poso, and Sambas in post-Suharto Indonesia from a comparative perspective. It explores why Ambon and Poso were seen as religious while Sambas was seen as ethnic despite the fact that in all three conflicts different religions and ethnicities fought each other. Examining the “ethnic” elements, this article advances three arguments: First, that the Poso and Ambon conflicts were no less ethnic than the Sambas conflict as they had similar “ethnic causes”. Second, that the religious narrative dominated in Ambon and Poso because it reflected the Islamic resurgence in Indonesia since the 1990s while the narrative in Sambas reflected that it was the latest round of a pre-existing anti-Madurese conflict which had already been “defined” as “ethnic”. Third, that the narratives were framed strategically, thus influencing the trajectory of the conflict but also responding to it.     

Alt-Right with the Hindu-right: long-distance nationalism and the perfection of Hindutva

In the 2016 US Presidential election, a small but vocal group of Hindu supporters of Donald Trump drew international media attention in India and the US for their political mobilizing for the Republican candidate. In this paper, I examine the political campaigns of “Hindus for Trump” and its affiliated groups to analyse the diverse ways in which these diasporic activists engage in and advance a number of distinct nationalist projects simultaneously. Tracing links between the “Hindus for Trump” platform, Hindutva ideology that seeks to redefine India as a Hindu nation, and the racist “alt-right” movement that forms the political base for President Trump in the US, I argue these diasporic activists enact a synergetic nationalism that has productive effects in both “home” and “host” countries. The result is the perfection of Hindutva on the global stage through the very activities that legitimize the isolationist xenophobia associated with the Trump administration.     

Lysenkoism in Poland

This article describes the impact of, and response to, Trofim D. Lysenko’s anti-genetics campaign in Poland between the years 1949 and 1956. It focuses particularly upon the response of three individuals – Teodor Marchlewski, Wac?aw Gajewski, and Aleksandra Putrament – who were central figures in the controversy in Poland. In addition to examining the responses and motivations of these individuals, the article also addresses the question of why the Lysenko-era in Poland ended relatively earlier than in neighboring Soviet-allied states such as Hungary, East Germany or Czechoslovakia, as well as 9?years before Lysenko was forced from power in the USSR. I argue that conditions specific to Polish politics and Poland’s relationship with the Soviet Union, during the Thaw after Stalin’s death, provided the opponents of “Lysenkoism” in Poland with an opportunity to criticize Lysenko, and restore Polish genetics. These conditions are linked to the near-revolution in Poland following the strike in Poznan in June, 1956, and successful transition of power between Edward Ochab and W?adys?aw Gomu?ka the following October.     

The History and Theory of the Zagorsk Experiment

This paper is the first of a series of articles dealing with the history and theory of the Zagorsk experiment. A number of philosophers and psychologists have realized the importance of rearing and educating deaf-blind children in the Soviet Union as they believe it reveals the secret of the origin of the human personality. This paper also examines the Zagorsk experiment’s “canonical version,” the Marxist philosophical and psychological interpretations of educating deaf-blind children, and raises the question of whether the facts fit these interpretations. It contends that the Zagorsk experiment expressed the spirit and metaphysics of the Soviet epoch.     

Who Killed Biafra?

Stanley Diamond opens his essay with a euphoric statement by C.O. Ojukwu, the leader of Biafra, who defined Biafra’s endeavour and its relevance to pan-Africanism as the “potential of the black man ... the breaking of the chains” that would demonstrate that the “basis of neo–colonialism has been removed; which is continued economic dominance,” in 1969. This historic milestone still has not been achieved as we concur with the author who in 1970 went on to analyze the reasons for this failure within the context of the larger global frame of reference as applied to the local scene in Nigeria. Diamond’s analysis is still valid and even increasingly relevant in view of globalization, ongoing wars, and current geo-strategic and oil interests confronting our world today. The Igbo people in general and their intellectuals—including the honourees of this special issue—were all affected by the struggle over Biafra in one way or the other. The article is divided into four segments: The first part begins with the defeat of Biafra by Nigeria’s federal forces and offers an account of the Igbo people’s heroic struggle against overwhelming military and economic powers, contextualized within global strategic and business interests. Biafra was indebted to no European country for support, bought whatever supplies were available from just a few sources—some African countries, Portugal, China, and the Czech Rep., and from private companies—all with cash. Biafra largely manufactured her own arms, and received only non-political Joint Church Aid assistance. Nigeria, on the other hand was aided by both Russia (then the Soviet Union), and the North-Atlantic Alliance (particularly Nigeria’s former colonial master, Britain)—as well as by much of Moslem North Africa, with Egyptian pilots flying Russian-made MIGs against the breakaway enclave which had no air force of its own. The humanitarian disaster unfolding in Biafra where 2 million people were killed and a generation of children was starved to death was grossly ignored and understated by the world powers. The second part examines British support for Nigeria against her post-colonial history and political development on the one hand, and the Igbos' ethnic and cultural idiosyncrasies on the other. Diamond characterizes the Igbo people as pan-Africanist nation builders, who were originally in strong support of a Nigeria they conceived as universal and egalitarian, but who later became disenchanted with the country’s post/neo-colonial developments, He accounts for the subtleties of the Igbo language and praises the culture as exceedingly democratic, exhibiting gender equilibrium, resisting foreign domination, despising acculturation, displaying restiveness under British oppression, yet endowed with a passion for modern education, He notes that Igbos made up for 2/3 of all Nigerian students in the USA_’ a dynamic group committed to upward social mobility. Despite his dated terminology—writing of the “lbo” rather than the “Igbo” and characterizing then civilization as “primitive,”¹—Diamond’s admiration and sympathy for the Igbo people and their culture is clearly evident. He further identifies Nigeria’s internal cultural dynamics and especially the differences between her feudal North and democratic Southeast, as an economic threat to the Nigerian federation and thus to foreign - especially British - economic and strategic interests. To Diamond, this is the overriding rationale behind the overwhelming foreign support for the federation. The article’s third part further analyzes foreign interests and politics and their bearing on the conflict over Biafra. In particular, Russian and British geo-political strategies emerge as competing in outdoing each other over their support of and friendship with Nigeria’s Islamic North in an effort to cement their relations to the Mediterranean Islamic associations, whereby oil interests became intensified, even though they were not the primary cause of the conflict over Biafra. China mostly expressed sympathy for Biafra and emerged as the ideological winner over Russia’s declared materialist goals. In the fourth section, Diamond concludes that the Nigerian civil war was not only an example of biological, but also cultural, genocide, aiming not only at the physical extinction of Biafra, but as well the collapse of the Igbo universe, because of the cultural possibilities of the Igbo as a people, Luckily, the Igbo people are well and alive today, striving throughout the world, and as resiliently as ever pursuing their careers, cherishing and grooming their language and their culture—37 years after Biafra. Sabine, Jell- New York, May 2007.     

Israel: The making of self in the “pioneering” of the nation

The Zionist project was more than a simple “ingathering” of people. All Jews by birth, those who reached Palestine in the early decades of this century were swept into the making of a “new” people with a “new” ethic and a “new” discipline—out of which would emerge the “old‐new” state of Israel. The present article addresses this multiple process with its strains and contradictions, as experiences by the “pioneer” generation and their Palestinian‐born children—the sabra.     

Between Europe and the Balkans: Mapping Slovenia and Croatia's “Return to Europe” in the 1990s

This essay traces the ongoing discursive processes through which two former Yugoslav states — Croatia and Slovenia — framed their so-called “exit from the Balkans” and “return to Europe” throughout the 1990s. Applying Maria Todorova's framework of “Balkanism” to these two cases, the essay examines how leaders sought recognition as belonging to Europe, or Central Europe, by defining their respective national identities in opposition to Balkan or Yugoslav ones. What distinguishes Balkanism from other critical traditions such as Orientalism is that the Balkans are located in a distinctively liminal position: at the same time part of Europe as well as its antithetical periphery, the “other” within. This in-between position can often lead to contradictory identity constructions, whereby an insistence on concretizing one's Europeanness coincides with a certain awareness that this European status is never ontologically secure. The essay concludes by considering ways in which the Balkans can be re-imagined, reassembling diverse fragments of Balkan identity into a site for positive engagement and critique.     

青藏高原隆起与东亚旧石器文化的发展

近年来对青藏高原隆起的时间与幅度以及对邻近地区及全球性气候的影响等问题的认识逐渐深入。在亚洲中部隆起的巨大高原山脉,不但改变了全球的气候系统,形成东亚季风气候区,也造成中亚及邻近地区的干旱与沙漠化,在东西方之间形成天然屏障,阻碍早期人类基因与文化的交流。东亚地区古人类文化的发展历程也清楚地记录了这种情况。本文拟通过对早更新世以来东亚与西方旧石器文化关系的比较,初步探讨青藏高原隆起对东亚及整个旧大陆地区远古人类及其文化发展的深刻影响。     

Diamonds in the desert: The discovery of Otavipithecus namibiensis

The mountains and deserts of Namibia hide many treasures—diamonds, gold, uranium, strategic minerals. But on the afternoon of June 4, 1991, we were searching Namibia's mountains for a rarer kind of stone, fossilized evidence of human evolution in southern Africa. What we found instead was the rarest “diamond” of all, one that no one had ever seen before on the African continent south of equatorial East Africa. What we found was incontrovertible evidence that prehuman “apes” were living in southern Africa millions of years before Australopithecus roamed the veld.     

Photographing the “Other”: Immigration and New Images of the Greek Ethnic “Self”

ABSTRACT

Significant transformations in the ways the ethnic “self” and its relationship to the “other” are perceived have led to the transgression of the two traditional poles (East and West) that were prevalent in the definition of Greekness since the creation of the Greek nation-state. By placing the photographs of immigrants published in the most popular local newspaper in Central Greece within their wider social and historical context, we can “see” that immigrants (a group that is perceived to be homogeneous and transcendental) constitute a new axis around which the negotiation of ethnic identity and otherness in Greece is now conducted.     

State-sponsored research on creatine supplements and blood doping in elite Soviet sport

The former Soviet Union began participating in international sport after World War II and soon achieved a dominant position in the Olympic Games and other competitions. The success of Soviet athletic programs led to charges of unfair practices but, because of secrecy surrounding Soviet research in exercise biochemistry, it has been difficult to substantiate these charges. This article presents previously restricted information regarding the development and use of creatine supplements and blood doping in the USSR. Early work by Olexander Palladin established the role of creatine in muscle function. In the 1970s, Soviet scientists showed that oral creatine supplements improved athletic performance in short, intense activities such as sprints. Subsequent studies in the West substantiated these investigations and have led to the widespread acceptance and use of creatine supplements to enhance muscle function and athletic performance. In addition, however, the Soviet government supported the development of blood doping, which is banned by the International Olympic Committee. Blood doping was pervasive in the USSR in the 1970s and 1980s, and was used by many Soviet athletes in the 1976 and 1980 Olympic Games. Open publication and discussion may help to prevent the abuses that can come from secret scientific research.     

Shame,reputation and Egypt's lovers: A controversy over the nation's image

This paper addresses aspects of contemporary Egyptian nationalism by focusing on reactions within Egypt to a BBC‐produced documentary dealing with the life of a lower class Cairene woman. In particular, it explores how the notions of honor, shame and reputation are central to the construction and expression of this nationalistic voice, and how the concern over “Egypt's image” involves a contest over who is to represent the nation. This article argues that the contemporary nationalistic voice, championed by the urban middle classes, expresses an ambivalent attitude to both “the West” and “the Egyptian people”, and that it necessarily involves the hiding and undermining of subordinate social groups.