Gendering ethno-nationalist conflict in Northern Ireland: A comparative analysis of nationalist women's political protests

This article examines and develops a comparison of the Holy Cross School conflict and the campaign by Robert McCartney's sisters and partner to bring those responsible for his murder to justice in Northern Ireland. Both events involved women who identify with the Irish nationalist community in public protest. The article employs a feminist theoretical framework to investigate the ethno-gender dynamics of these particular manifestations of women's political protest. By engaging in a comparative analysis of both protests, the article exposes how these specific expressions of women's political agency and the political discourses and images that they stimulated were influenced by, reflected and disturbed notions about the role of women in nationalist societies.     

The Twice-Killed: Imagining Protest Suicide

The inspiration I take from J. M. Coetzee's book Elizabeth Costello (2003) is his advocacy of imagining as an alternative to rational thought. Imagining, as I understand him, is mindwork that engages the body as an experiential and metaphorical site. I apply this notion of imagining to suicides conducted in the service of political protest: The fatal hunger strike of ten prisoners in Northern Ireland in 1981 and Jan Palach's self-immolation in Prague in 1969. Three questions direct the exploration of their trajectories: What feeds the hope for the effectiveness of protest suicides? How do they use the body as a performance site? Do such suicides call for an ethics of attentiveness?     

Medical Humanitarianism Under Atmospheric Violence: Health Professionals in the 2013 Gezi Protests in Turkey

During the 2013 Gezi protests in Turkey, volunteering health professionals provided on-site medical assistance to protesters faced with police violence characterized by the extensive use of riot control agents. This led to a government crackdown on the medical community and the criminalization of “unauthorized” first aid amidst international criticisms over violations of medical neutrality. Drawing from ethnographic observations, in-depth interviews with health care professionals, and archival research, this article ethnographically analyzes the polarized encounter between the Turkish government and medical professionals aligned with social protest. I demonstrate how the context of “atmospheric violence”—the extensive use of riot control agents like tear gas—brings about new politico-ethical spaces and dilemmas for healthcare professionals. I then analyze how Turkish health professionals framed their provision of health services to protestors in the language of medical humanitarianism, and how the state dismissed their claims to humanitarian neutrality by criminalizing emergency care. Exploring the vexed role that health workers and medical organizations played in the Gezi protests and the consequent political contestations over doctors’ ethical, professional, and political responsibilities, this article examines challenges to medical humanitarianism and neutrality at times of social protest in and beyond the Middle East.     

Ethnic politics and labour market closure: Shipbuilding and industrial decline in Northern Ireland

This article examines the interplay of ethnic conflict and economic interests in Northern Ireland, specifically for the case of the shipbuilding industry, which received massive state aid despite its terminal decline. Parkin's theory of dual social closure by members of the subordinate class but dominant status group to monopolize resources and opportunities is employed to examine the interests and actions of Protestant workers. The contribution of local institutions including Extended Internal Labor Markets to the salience of Protestant group solidarity is examined from a political economy perspective. Political accommodation between Protestant labour and the Northern Ireland government, and later British government political fears of antagonizing Loyalist workers, facilitated huge aid to a failing industry.     

When and how well can human‐socialized capuchins match actions demonstrated by a familiar human?

Capuchin monkeys have provided uneven evidence of matching actions they observe others perform. In accord with theories emphasizing the attentional salience of object movement and spatial relationships, we predicted that human-reared monkeys would better match events in which a human demonstrator moved an object into a new relation with another object or surface than other kinds of actions. Three human-reared capuchins were invited repeatedly by a familiar human to perform a fixed set of actions upon objects or upon their bodies, using the "Do as I do" procedure. Actions directed at the body were matched less reliably than actions involving objects, and actions were matched best when the monkey looked at the demonstration for at least 2 sec and performed its action within a few seconds after the demonstration. The most commonly matched actions were those that one monkey performed relatively often when the experiment began. One monkey partially reproduced three novel actions (out of 48 demonstrations), all three involving moving or placing objects, and two of which it also performed following other demonstrations. These findings contribute convergent evidence that capuchin monkeys display social facilitation of activity, enhanced interest in particular objects and emulation of spatial outcomes. This pattern can support the development of shared manipulative skills, as evident in traditions of foraging and tool use in natural settings. The findings do not suggest that human rearing substantively altered capuchins' ability or interest in matching the actions of a familiar human, although visual attention to the human demonstrator may have been greater in these monkeys than in normally reared monkeys.     

Protestant identification and political change in Northern Ireland

This article demonstrates the responsiveness of national and religious identifications to political change among Protestants in Northern Ireland. It begins by theorizing identification as a process of working out our ideas of self, others and place. Subsequently, it proceeds to outline how the recent Good Friday Agreement (1998) changes the political landscape from the perspective of a variety of Protestants. Then, based on a narrative analysis of interview data collected in 2000, it maps the main directions of change. Three responses are highlighted, as people come to accept, reject or ignore political developments after the Agreement, and their differing relationships with British national and Protestant religious identifications are discussed. The article concludes by highlighting the underlying dynamics of identification with a view to maximizing the acceptance of political change in Northern Ireland.     

Demonstration of genome DNA diversity of strains of urease-positive thermophilic Campylobacter isolated from the natural environment by pulsed-field gel electrophoresis analysis

Pulsed-field gel electrophoresis (PFGE) analysis was carried out after separate digestion with Apa I, Sal I and Sma I of the genomic DNA from sixteen isolates of urease-positive thermophilic Campylobacter (UPTC) obtained from the natural environment, namely from oysters and mussels, in Northern Ireland. Five NCTC strains previously isolated in England were used for the analysis. Although the eight isolates of UPTC in Northern Ireland and a strain of UPTC in England showed that one or no fragments appeared after digestion with Apa I around 1,900 to 1,640 kb region of the gel, Apa I was shown to cut the genomic DNA from all of the other twelve strains of UPTC and Sal I and Sma I from all of the 21 strains in a distinctly different and distinguishable manner. Consequently, the present study clearly demonstrated that the sixteen isolates of UPTC in Northern Ireland and the five strains in England gave the diversity of the genomic DNA by using PFGE. Some strains of UPTC examined were shown to carry genomes from 1.6 to 1.9 Mb in length, thus the heterogeneous profiles of PFGE and the length of the genomes are thought to occur among the isolates of UPTC in Northern Ireland, as well as among the five representative strains of UPTC from NCTC.     

On Neoliberalism and Other Social Diseases: The 2008 Sociocultural Anthropology Year in Review

ABSTRACT   In this article, I consider a selection of the 129 articles of new research published in five of the leading Anglo-American peer-reviewed outlets for sociocultural anthropology in 2008, discerning two general, but related, trends. The first suggests an ongoing interest among sociocultural anthropologists in new forms and contexts of market capitalism and a deepening concern for the multiple, complex, and even contradictory orientations to those forms by social actors caught up in them. The second reveals a concern with the imbrications of political and scientific epistemologies, particularly as they emerge in state policies and actions around issues of public health, the environment, and agriculture. Where they come together is in the number of studies whose objects of inquiry reside at the nexus where science, politics, and markets meet in what they see as the creeping expansion of neoliberal logics and their implications for the state as a political formation. [Keywords: sociocultural anthropology, neoliberalism, science studies, public health, capitalism]     

Canvases of Political Competition: Image Production as Politics in Tamil Nadu,India

In this article, I explore the production of political images in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu. The state is known for the ubiquitous presence of banners, murals and posters in its public spaces, featuring prominent politicians and actors. It is commonly argued that these images help to convey the heroic or exclusive status of political leaders. However, such images are actually produced by party workers and therefore do not simply transpose status and image. Instead, political supporters praise their leader via these images and act as ‘kingmakers’ in constructing reputation and power. Simultaneously, by putting political images on display, supporters also authorise their own power. While praise is important in showing a person's dedication to a political party, the images, in the motivations of their producers, are suffused with ambivalence and competition as well. Hence, I argue, political image practices are not representative of politics, they are politics.     

Absence in technicolour: protesting enforced disappearances in northern Sri Lanka

This essay examines the political uses of photography in the protests of the Tamil families of the disappeared in northern Sri Lanka. Enforced disappearances have long featured as an instrument of state terror. Their lingering effects have been noted as a significant challenge to transitional justice processes in the aftermath of the island's civil war. By examining how protesters make their political demands and grievances known through photography, I explore the tensions between visibility and surveillance. The competing photographies of the protests subvert conceptual understandings of the medium as an ideological tool, but also complicate claims of its capacities for enabling emancipation. Against a backdrop of ethno-nationalist conflict, this mobilization of and through photography serves as a defiant articulation of post-war ‘irreconciliation’. It is further tethered to a global visual vernacular of civilian resistance challenging state atrocity, as well as irreconcilable assertions of nation and state.     

Abortion Rights along the Irish-English Border and the Liminality of Women’s Experiences

My research in European abortion laws and restrictions focuses on the migration of thousands of Irish women who travel to England each year to access safe and legal abortion services. This article is an investigation of the Irish-English border as a symbol for reproductive freedom and the new value systems in which Irish women participate when they cross its boundary. I provide a brief history of abortion law in the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland and emphasize a specific case in which border crossing was severely restricted for a young rape victim desiring an abortion. Additionally, my research examines women’s experiences of liminality as they cross the Irish-English border and the complex, conflicting emotions that they may feel as they travel abroad. In particular, I address a recent pro-choice initiative by a Dutch organization called Women on Waves, which sent a ship converted into a reproductive clinic to Dublin to provide services to Irish women. The ship, which has since sailed to Poland and Portugal to offer further assistance to women in countries with bans on abortion, complicates the notion of crossing concrete national lines as it moves throughout international waters.     

Effervescence and Ephemerality: Popular Urban Uprisings in Mozambique

This article analyses the large-scale popular urban uprisings that shook Mozambican cities on 1 and 2 September 2010, following the government's announcement of successive rises in the price of public transport fares and basic commodities. Using ethnographic material from the city of Chimoio and the capital Maputo, the following work highlights the organisational character of the ‘strikes’ (greves), as the popular uprisings were called, and explores them as a new form of organising political discontent. Comparing them to other historical and contemporary popular uprisings, this article argues that the strikes violently and rhizomically generated ephemeral and egalitarian forms of political authority and order that simultaneously confronted, replicated and undercut the aspects of Mozambican statehood. Deploying Durkheim's notion of effervescence, the work further argues that the creative fervour, multisemic aspects and festive character of the popular uprisings need to be recognised; thus, this analysis challenges the reductive labelling of these events as ‘riots’ or ‘food riots’.     

Phenylketonuria and the peoples of Northern Ireland

The comparison of regional patterns of recessive disease mutations is a new source of information for studies of population genetics. The analysis of phenylketonuria (PKU) mutations in Northern Ireland shows that most major episodes of immigration have left a record in the modern genepool. The mutation I65T can be traced to the Palaeolithic people of western Europe who, in the Mesolithic period, first colonised Ireland. R408W (on haplotype 1) in contrast, the most common Irish PKU mutation, may have been prevalent in the Neolithic farmers who settled in Ireland after 4500 BC. No mutation was identified that could represent European Celtic populations, supporting the view that the adoption of Celtic culture and language in Ireland did not involve major migration from the continent. Several less common mutations can be traced to the Norwegian Atlantic coast and were probably introduced into Ireland by Vikings. This indicates that PKU has not been brought to Norway from the British Isles, as was previously argued. The rarity in Northern Ireland of IVS12nt1, the most common mutation in Denmark and England, indicates that the English colonialisation of Ireland did not alter the local genepool in a direction that could be described as Anglo-Saxon. Our results show that the culture and language of a population can be independent of its genetic heritage, and give some insight into the history of the peoples of Northern Ireland. Received: 23 October 1996 / Accepted: 26 February 1997     

'Common sense' and 'governmentality': local government in southeastern Ireland, 1850-1922

Early paradigms in political anthropology identified formal government councils as a subject for cross-cultural comparison (structural functionalism) or as a political resource for goal-orientated actors (transactionalism). Recent concerns with power and regulation can also profit from a focus on local-level government councils by using them to explore the conceptual and empirical linkages between 'common sense' and 'governmentality'. In this article, as a point of entry, we highlight a key moment in the history of Britain's colonial and hegemonic project in Ireland, namely the orderly administrative transition from colony to state which occurred in Ireland after 1919. By constructing a historical narrative of a local government council in the southeast after 1850, and of its material and discursive bases, we show how the actions and ideologies of elite farmers were implicated in this orderly administrative transition and, therefore, how the concepts of governmentality, hegemony, and common sense might be linked.     

On violence,intersectionality and transversal politics

The persistence of violence over the past several decades coupled with the explosive growth of intersectionality as a form of critical inquiry and praxis suggest that the connections between violence, intersecting power relations and political resistance remain highly salient. In this commentary, I ask, in what ways might continuing to focus on violence illuminate the connections between intersecting systems of power and on the contours of political resistance? To address this question, I revisit two themes in “The Tie That Binds: Race, Gender and US Violence”, namely, (1) how conceptualizing violence as a saturated site of intersecting power relations contributes to analyses of political domination and (2) how attending to the analyses and actions of African American women and similarly subordinated groups deepens understandings of flexible solidarity as a core feature of transversal politics.     

Some Intellectual Genealogies for the Concept of Everyday Resistance

Concerns with how cultural factors influenced agrarian social change remained an abiding interest in the work of James Scott. I begin by sketching out the context of debates in Marxist theory, development studies, and social and political anthropology that, during the 1980s, turned to relations between ideas, power, and processes of conflict and change in a world of new postcolonial nations and rapid agrarian development. In the article, then, I carefully examine the ideas Scott developed about resistance and hegemony in conversation with the work of E. P. Thompson. Tracing the genealogy of Scott's ideas about hegemony and rural social protest, I comment in some detail on the literature on resistance that arose in anthropology during the 1980s and the role of Scott's Weapons of the Weak (1985) in shaping that literature while interacting with Subaltern Studies (Guha 1982–87), studies of social movements, and examinations of power in interpersonal relations.     

Differential changes in calcitonin, somatostatin and gastrin/cholecystokinin-like immunoreactivities in rat thyroid parafollicular cells during ontogeny

Immunocytochemical quantitative studies on the development of rat thyroid calcitonin (C) cells have been performed. In neonatal rat pups up to day 6 nearly 90% of all calcitonin cells are also somatostatin immunoreactive and 45% of these cells also show immunoreactivity to a C-terminal gastrin/cholecystokinin antiserum (CCK-4-like immunoreactivity). Already at day 8 the frequency of somatostatin immunoreactive calcitonin cells has dropped to 25%, whereas half of the calcitonin cells still display CCK-4-like immunoreactivity. In adult rats, less than 1% of the calcitonin cells are somatostatin immunoreactive, whereas 90% of the calcitonin cells display CCK-4-like immunoreactivity. These data show that between day 6-8 a pronounced change in the peptide repertoire of rat thyroid C cells occur and that these cells, prior to this time, mainly contain calcitonin and somatostatin immunoreactivity and after this time mainly contain calcitonin and CCK-4-like immunoreactivity. The time course of the change in the C cell peptides is similar to that observed with changes in transitory peptides of neonatal rat pancreas and duodenum, suggesting that possible hormonal mechanisms during this period act to change the peptide repertoire of several endocrine cell types simultaneously. It is possible that many of the transitory peptides exert actions in the developing individual that are necessary for growth and differentiation. Interestingly, many of these transitory peptides reappear in tumours, where theoretically they could exert similar actions.     

Framing disputes and organizational legitimation: UK-based Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora groups' use of the ‘genocide’ frame since 2009

The ending of the war in Sri Lanka in 2009 led to significant changes in the political strategies pursued by Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora groups in the UK. One contentious feature of these groups' campaigns has been their use of the ‘genocide’ frame to describe the actions of the Sri Lankan state, which has been predominantly viewed either as a signal of these groups' strategic naivety or as a coded expression of a wider nationalist agenda. In this article I argue that its growing use in the post-war period is more complex and is best understood in relation to these organizations' strategies of legitimation. Deploying the genocide frame has served two key functions: to demonstrate groups' responsiveness to popular demands, and to challenge dominant international approaches to post-war Sri Lanka. Together these functions served to bolster groups' legitimacy in an environment characterized by political change and high levels of inter-organizational competition.     

The naive B cell repertoire predisposes to antigen-induced systemic lupus erythematosus

It is clear that the development of an autoimmune disease usually depends on both a genetic predisposition and an environmental trigger. In this study, we demonstrate that BALB/c mice develop a lupus-like serology following immunization with a peptide mimetope of DNA, while DBA/2 mice do not. We further demonstrate that the critical difference resides within the B cell compartment and that the naive B cell repertoire of DBA/2 mice has fewer B cells specific for the DNA mimetope. Differences in the strength of B cell receptor signaling exist between these two strains and may be responsible for the difference in disease susceptibility. BALB/c mice possess more autoreactive cells in the native repertoire; they display a weaker response to Ag and exhibit less Ag-induced apoptosis of B cells. DBA/2 mice, in contrast, display a stronger B cell receptor signal and more stringent central tolerance. This correlates with resistance to lupus induction. Thus, the degree to which autoreactive B cells have been eliminated from the naive B cell repertoire is genetically regulated and may determine whether a nonspontaneously autoimmune host will develop autoimmunity following exposure to Ag.