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1.
This article considers the role of telemedicine in the production of biomedical health care using three specific theoretical constructs as lenses through which to examine this phenomenon: (1) Foucault's medical "gaze"; (2) the political economy of health; and (3) deterritorialization and multisite ethnography. This examination focuses first on the changing corporate structure of health care and changing political attitudes toward telemedicine. Second, it documents the current use of telemedicine in prisons, the military, and in cross-cultural settings. Third, it discusses responses to telemedicine of individual physicians, health care staff, and patients, finding that these responses are broadly conditioned by an individual's mode of articulation with biomedical institutions and that they are mediated by personal experience.  相似文献   

2.

Background

Studies on political ideology and health have found associations between individual ideology and health as well as between ecological measures of political ideology and health. Individual ideology and aggregate measures such as political regimes, however, were never examined simultaneously.

Methodology/Principal Findings

Using adjusted logistic multilevel models to analyze data on individuals from 29 European countries and Israel, we found that individual ideology and political regime are independently associated with self-rated health. Individuals with rightwing ideologies report better health than leftwing individuals. Respondents from Eastern Europe and former Soviet republics report poorer health than individuals from social democratic, liberal, Christian conservative, and former Mediterranean dictatorship countries. In contrast to individual ideology and political regimes, country level aggregations of individual ideology are not related to reporting poor health.

Conclusions/Significance

This study shows that although both individual political ideology and contextual political regime are independently associated with individuals'' self-rated health, individual political ideology appears to be more strongly associated with self-rated health than political regime.  相似文献   

3.
This article, relying on Bakhtin's approach to canonization, demonstrates an empirical link between language and ideology. The authors employ content and discourse analysis to examine political discourse exemplified in editorial writing as a particular speech genre. They scrutinize editorials in four newspapers published in Catalonia, two of them in Castilian and two in Catalan. Despite political differences between the papers in each language, the authors discern a Catalan-language discourse style that differs significantly from the Caslilian-language discourse style. They conclude that the historically canonized discourse styles, different in Catalonia's Castilian and Catalan press, reflect the intimate relationship between language of use and ideology.  相似文献   

4.
The Kwara'ae of Malaita, now mainly Christian and enmeshed in the cash economy, invoke an ideology of kastom, reconciling biblical and ancestral origins, validating land claims, and legitimizing as traditional postcolonial political hierarchies built on the old ritual svstem. The political uses of kastom ideology in contemporary Kwara'ae, and their historical roots, are explored.  相似文献   

5.
ABSTRACT   Loosely following the structure of the U.S. election cycle, I identify some of the more important institutions and events that have recently served as venues for field-building scholarly practices and processes in linguistic anthropology. I examine various trends and concerns animating recent publications on language and social life. I discuss the ongoing impact on the field of recent major works that attempt to codify methodological and theoretical approaches to the intersection of language and society. I also consider some of linguistic anthropology's emergent ventures, including new collaborative projects and new proposals for interdisciplinary work. Finally, I discuss some of the political implications of academic specialization, disciplinary boundaries, and impending "generational shift," both in the subdiscipline and the academy generally. I close by raising questions about future directions and possibilities for research in linguistic anthropology and other interdisciplinary enterprises. [Keywords: linguistic anthropology, interdisciplinarity, linguistic ideology, semiotic practices, linguistic variation]  相似文献   

6.
Rituals that defuse immediate senses of danger can perpetuate senses of powerlessness. Ambiguous language used in defensive rituals can heighten people's senses of the risks they are confronting and also compel people to perform those rituals again in the future. In this article, I illustrate this argument by examining Fijian Methodist masu sema (chain prayers), which are conducted to defuse the dangers that beset society, including curses from demonic ancestors. I argue that Fijian cultural themes of present-day human powerlessness are generated largely by competition between Methodist and chiefly authorities. "Chain prayers" are attempts to negate the power of dangerous ancestors, but in requesting God's help, ritual participants cast themselves as powerless. Verbal ambiguity in chain prayers gives "demons" lives of their own, compelling their future circulation.  相似文献   

7.
Two seemingly disparate areas of English language structure—the grammar of reported speech and of textual cohesion—are functionally related in that both entail a distinction between "wording" and "meaning." This is consistent with the Western ideological disjunction between language and reality, talk and action. Neither these language structures nor this linguistic ideology are found among the Ngarinyin people of northwestern Australia, suggesting a Whorfian hypothesis about their possible interrelationship.  相似文献   

8.
Mongolian Ethnicity and Linguistic Anxiety in China   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Language is one of the official criteria of defining a nationality in socialist China, but it simultaneously has been subjected to an "ideology of contempt" by the Chinese regime that builds nationality only to destroy it. This article examines the linguistic anxiety displayed by the Mongols and their controversial language revitalization efforts in a social environment in which they have become an absolute minority even while they have formal autonomy under their name. The tremendous cost—both emotional and economic—at which such language maintenance comes suggests that nationality in China may not be understood as primarily cultural but, instead, as political. As more Mongols lose their language, arguably the last bastion of their "nationality" status, they face the prospect of becoming a deinstitutionalized, depoliticized, and deterritorialized "ethnic group" in a racialized "Chinese Nation." [Keywords: language, nationality, ethnic group, Mongols, Chinese National Multiculturalism]  相似文献   

9.
Although the notion of the ‘adivasi’ has come under academic scrutiny and the ‘dark side’ of indigeneity discourses is increasingly criticized, there has been relatively little attention to the question of why, under adverse circumstances, activists have nevertheless started articulating their political program in the language of adivasi-ness while surpassing the particularistic politics of earlier tribal movements. Explaining the emergence of indigenist politics as a new democratic force is all the more pertinent for the case of Kerala since this state has the Communist movement as an obvious alternative for the articulation of such a transformative political agenda. This article therefore seeks to explore the forces that gave rise to the politics of indigenism. It begins with a discussion of shifts in the structural power context shaping subaltern activism in Kerala—particularly the impact of neoliberal restructuring and the new ideological environment created with the demise of the Communist block. The paper then moves to consider the political dynamics operating within this structural context that led indigenist activists to form a separate political movement. It looks particularly at the sense of both ideological and material disillusionment these activists feel toward the Communist party in Kerala.  相似文献   

10.
Recent work in linguistic anthropology highlights the role of linguistic ideologies, or cultural conceptions of language, in transforming social relations and linguistic structure and use. This article examines the links between language attitudes and uses in their institutional and interactional contexts on Rapa Nui, a Polynesian island community that is part of the Chilean nation-state. By the 1970s, a sociolinguistic hierarchy and functional compartmentalization of languages between Spanish and Rapa Nui—what I will describe as "colonial diglossia"—had become established in the community, which was rapidly becoming bilingual. Language shift toward Spanish has continued to advance since then. However, rising Rapa Nui syncretic language practice and consciousness, combined with the political successes of a local indigenous movement and changes in the local economy, are now contributing to the breakdown of colonial diglossia, generating better conditions for the maintenance of the Rapa Nui language.  相似文献   

11.
Vestibular and visual senses are two major factors fish use for controlling their posture under 1 G conditions. From various studies in the past (parabolic flights and some ground-laboratory experiments), I came to have a hypothesis that "heavily eye-dependent" fish are tolerant to microgravity (micro-G). Theoretically, for "heavily eye-dependent" fish, the following three types may exist. (a) Fish having good eyesight, and having an ordinary sensitivity to gravity, (b) Fish having an ordinary eyesight, and having less sensitivity to gravity, (c) Fish having good eyesight, and having less sensitivity to gravity. In Medaka fish (Oryzias latipes), these three types have successfully been obtained. In this paper, the behavior of such different types of Medaka fish under micro-G will be studied by use of parabolic flights of an airplane. The ground-laboratory experiments are also reported, which focus on the contribution of both vestibular and visual senses to the posture control for each of three types of Medaka fish.  相似文献   

12.
Sociologists often dismiss the emergence of unique nationalist identities as reflections of changing structural elements, namely the political and economic. In this article I view nationalism as a socially created and sustained ideological discourse. From this orientation, the importance of attending to cultural or symbolic constructions within nationalist movements becomes more pronounced. Thompson's (1987) re‐orien‐tational conceptions of ideology are used as an interpretative frame to analyse the construction of nineteenth‐century Finnish nationalism. Through this theoretical focus on language, the Kalevala, a book of Finnish folk poems, can be seen as a socio‐historical phenomenon amidst human conflict. This collection of poems provided the necessary discourse used to disrupt the previous Swedish cultural and emergent Russian political dominance. Symbolizing the invented culture, the Kalevala served as the basis for popular Finnishness, as well as politically mobilizing critical ideological assertions. The creation, transmission, and contestation of social meaning, through the use of language and material culture, specifically embodied in the Kalevala, is traced throughout the Finnish struggle for independence.  相似文献   

13.
面向生态文明的超循环经济:理论、模型与实例   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
张智光 《生态学报》2017,37(13):4549-4561
在全球气候变化背景下,研究适应生态文明要求的新的经济运行模式——超循环经济的基本原理、结构模型、运行机理和实际应用。首先,运用系统结构分析方法梳理不同时期经济运行模式的演进过程:由"从摇篮到产品"的粗放经济,到"从摇篮到坟墓"的末端治理经济,再到"从摇篮到摇篮"的循环经济。延续这一绿色发展趋势,根据文明演化的共生理论和艾根创立的超循环理论,提出超循环经济的理论构想,并描绘"从孕育到孕育"的超循环经济的概念结构。其次,将超循环经济思想应用于林纸拓展系统(EFPS)。在分析中国造纸工业的发展现状和瓶颈及其与林业和生态环境相互关系的基础上,按照资源链、生态链和价值链(简称"三链",或3C)逐层拓展的逻辑顺序,研究EFPS超循环经济的系列结构模型。具体来说,依次建立起各层次的超循环结构模型——制浆造纸系统的资源链核心层模型、供应链系统的资源链拓展层模型、生态环境系统的生态链拓展层模型,以及社会经济系统的价值链拓展层模型。然后将各层次的结构模型综合起来,形成EFPS超循环经济的多重拓展-嵌套整体模型。该模型既能展示EFPS超循环经济系统的全貌,又包含其各层次的系统结构。因此既能为各级政府在制定国家和地区的循环经济总体发展规划时提供参考,又能为制造企业、营林组织、供应链、行业协会等各类经济主体的绿色经营决策提供支撑。最后,在上述实证研究的基础上进行理论提升。一方面提出超循环经济的5R原则:减量化、再循环、再利用、再分配和再培育。另一方面基于5R原则和3C循环链,构建5R-3C理论模型,并研究其5R-3C共生运行机理。研究表明,在超循环经济模式下,产业与生态系统可以实现互利共生的良性循环。以上研究成果的主要创新之处在于:在原理上,揭示了面向生态文明的超循环经济的概念结构、本质属性和5R原则;在机理上,创立了超循环经济的5R-3C模型及其共生运行机理;在实施上,以林纸拓展系统为例,为超循环经济理论的"落地生根"和推广应用构建了具体的多重拓展-嵌套模型。  相似文献   

14.
In this article, a linguistic anthropologist reviews the growing literature on the possibilities and problematics of understanding "native" anthropology and its implications for the construction of ethnographic knowledge. The author examines the centrality of language for "native" scholars in negotiating their legitimacy in the field. Confessions of failure by native scholars and their dilemmas with translation illuminate the dialogic and political nature of ethnographic inquiry, particularly when research is conducted in "home" communities. Moreover, native ethnographers' critical reflexivity regarding their subject positionings and "voice" may constitute a counterhegemonic rhetorical strategy for negotiating multiple accountabilities. Self-identification as a native scholar is seldom a means through which researchers "play the native card" via a noncritical privileging of their "insider" status. Instead, claiming native status may act tactically as both a normalizing and an exclusivizing endeavor, as well as a signif ier of the decolonization of anthropological thought and practice. The author considers these and other critical implications of native anthropological research in relation to her own multisited research on African American linguistic and cultural practices focused on hair care. [Keywords: "native" anthropology, language, representation, reflexivity, translation]  相似文献   

15.
Established vaccine hesitancy measurement instruments, such as the Vaccine Hesitancy Determinants Matrix, are not sufficiently equipped to adequately and consistently measure political and ideological attitudes. Focusing on Germany, which is a particularly interesting case since it witnessed the establishment of the by far most well-organized and sustained ‘anti-Covid’ movement in Europe, this quantitative study explores the impact of political ideology and partisanship on the degree of vaccine hesitancy based on four surveys (February—October 2021) among more than 30,000 individuals. We demonstrate that party affiliation, political ideology and region of residence all impact vaccine hesitancy. In fact, they turn out to have a greater impact than two factors often analysed with respect to vaccine hesitancy: gender and educational background. Further interaction models show that the effect of political ideology on vaccine hesitancy is moderated by age, gender and region of residency. For instance, while the more rightwing a young individual is, the more hesitant they are towards SARS-CoV-2 vaccination—for older individuals, this is not the case. Our findings are relevant for future investigators measuring vaccine hesitancy and policy makers contemplating the differential impact of complex public health interventions: as the impact of political and ideological attitudes on vaccine hesitancy are not adequately captured by established vaccine hesitancy measurement instruments, we recommend its modification to include a clear and harmonised definition of the political-ideological dimension of vaccine hesitancy together with pre-validated measurement items that improve future studies. In addition, we reason that vaccine hesitancy, while being an outcome of complex socio-political factors, is in itself an indicator for societal cohesion and anomie, the degree of which is associated with trust in (health) policy makers, (public) health authorities, health service providers, etc. Therefore, we further recommend that vaccine hesitancy questions should be integrated in pertinent national surveys.  相似文献   

16.
The diffraction pattern of a protein crystal is normally a product of the interference of electromagnetic waves scattered by electrons of the crystalline sample. The diffraction pattern undergoes systematic changes in case additionally X-ray absorption occurs, meaning if the wavelength of the primary X-ray beam is relatively close to the absorption edge of selected elements of the sample. The resulting effects are summarized as "anomalous dispersion" and can be always observed with "soft" X-rays (wavelength around 2 A) since they match the absorption edges of sulfur and chlorine. A particularly useful application of this phenomenon is the experimental detection of the sub-structures of the anomalous scatterers in protein crystals. We demonstrate this here with a crystal of a C-terminally truncated variant of human CK2alpha to which two molecules of the inhibitor 5,6-dichloro-1-beta-D: -ribo-furanosyl-benzimidazole (DRB) are bound. The structure of this co-crystal has been solved recently. For this study we measured an additional diffraction data set at a wavelength of 2 A which showed strong anomalous dispersion effects. On the basis of these effects we detected all sulfur atoms of the protein, the two liganded DRB molecules and a total of 16 additional chloride ions some of them emerging at positions filled with water molecules in previous structure determinations. A number of chloride ions are bound to structural and functional important locations fitting to the constitutive activity and the acidophilic substrate specificity of the enzyme.  相似文献   

17.
18.
Humans, unlike most other species, show intense interest in the activities of conspecifics, even when the activities in question pose no obvious fitness threat or opportunity. Here, we investigate one content domain in which people show substantial interest, the use of drugs for non-medical purposes. Drawing from two subject populations—one undergraduate and one Internet-based—we look at the relationships among (i) abstract political commitments; (ii) attitudes about sexuality; and (iii) views surrounding recreational drugs. Whereas some theories suggest that drug views are best understood as the result of abstract political ideology, we suggest that these views can be better understood in the context of reproductive strategy. We show that, as predicted by a strategic construal, drug attitudes are best predicted by sexual items rather than abstract political commitments and, further, that the relationship between factors such as political ideology and drugs, while positive, are reduced to zero or nearly zero when items assessing sexuality are controlled for. We conclude that considering morality from the standpoint of strategic interests is a potentially useful way to understand why humans care about third party behaviour.  相似文献   

19.
Conclusion The anthropology of law works best through the use of the holistic approach that Hoebel recommended in the early stages of the subdiscipline. That approach includes the study of trouble cases, of patterns of actual law-related behavior, and of abstract rules or principles, the last being not the least among them. The quest should ideally be joined, however, so as to generate data that lend themselves to cross-cultural comparison and the formulation of politico-legal principles of a general sort, a goal which numerous anthropologists of law have already espoused in their work. But as Smith and Roberts caution, this is particularly difficult with regard to substantive law content, because substantive law is a particularly culture bound domain: there is considerable variability from society to society in its specific content. The structural comparison of substantive law notions as they occur within the boundaries of particular societies, by contrast, presents one fruitful alternative approach, one which carefully reflects the realities of intergroup politics. Through a political analysis of variability in cognitive models of law can better be seen as a reflection of, and an underpinning to, the socio-economic base that correlates with it.Nader indirectly calls attention to the fact that the law realm is best viewed from an explicitly political vantage. She notes that a lack of interest in substantive law has been accompanied by a relative loss of interest in political development, two tendencies which Koch also cites. But the very element of political developmental dynamics, as has been seen, forms a crucial component in understanding the variability in substantive law models and, more broadly, law's ideational side (see Moore ). Polities that wield considerable power potentials can generate and accomodate co-occurring non-isomorphic law models, and, indeed, it seems advantageous from the elite vantage for them to do so. With respect to their political strategies, societies with more modest power potentials also seem to avail themselves of such discordances to some degree. The result is a complex involvement with substantive law in most societies, and certainly at the state level.Daisy Hilse Dwyer is Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Columbia University.
  相似文献   

20.
In this article, I examine the process by which some biomedical physicians and nurses in Australia have come to adopt various alternative therapies in their regimens of practice, largely in response to (1) the growing interest on the part of many Australians in what is generally called "complementary medicine", and (2) a recognition that biomedicine is not particularly effective in treating an array of chronic ailments. Some Australian biomedical physicians and nurses have come to embrace "integrative medicine," which purports to blend the best of biomedicine and complementary medicine, and have even created an Australasian Integrative Medical Association and established integrative medical training programs and centers. I argue that the adoption of alternative therapies and the development of integrative medicine on the part of Australian biomedical physicians and nurses constitute another national manifestation of the co-option of complementary and alternative medicine.  相似文献   

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