“Templatic backcopying” in Guarijio abbreviated reduplication

Although a wide array of phonological properties seem to backcopy in reduplication, it is an open question whether reduplicative templates can backcopy as well. It has been argued that natural languages do not have reduplicative constructions where the base truncates to match the truncated reduplicant (McCarthy & Prince, 1994; McCarthy & Prince, 1999; Spaelti, 1997; inter alia). In Guarijio Abbreviated Reduplication (Miller, 1996), however, both copies of the reduplicative construction truncate, instantiating the pattern that has been claimed not to exist. This paper argues that the Guarijio case fills this typological gap. Although the data can be given a templatic backcopying analysis, this paper defends a Morphological Doubling Theory (MDT) analysis using cophonologies (Inkelas & Zoll, 2005). In MDT, Guarijio Abbreviated Reduplication results from the parallel imposition of a truncating cophonology in each copy of the reduplicative construction. Guarijio Abbreviated Reduplication is predicted to exist by MDT together with other documented cases of parallel phonological modification in reduplication. I am grateful to many people for helpful comments and suggestions, including Isabel Barreras Aguilar, Laura Downing, Nicholas Fleisher, Andrew Garrett, Jason Haugen, Larry Hyman, Yuni Kim, Teresa McFarland, David Mortensen, Mary Paster, Eric Raimy, and Timothy Thornes as well as the audience of the LSA 2005 Annual Meeting in Oakland. I would like to extend a special thanks to Alan Yu for his detailed comments and suggestions to latter versions of this paper. I am particularly indebted to Sharon Inkelas, for her generous advice, feedback, and numerous discussions throughout the development of this paper. I am also grateful to two anonymous reviewers for their comments and criticisms, and especially to Ingo Plag for his patience and detailed suggestions as editor. All remaining errors and omissions are mine. This study was made possible by fellowships by CONACYT (Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología, México), the University of California Institute for Mexico and the United States (UCMEXUS) and Fulbright.     

Reduplication and repetition of person markers in Guaporé isolates

The person marking system of the language isolate Kwazá, spoken in the Brazilian Amazon, has several unusual properties. Its bound inflectional person suffixes can be reduplicated in order to express temporal and aspectual notions in a rather un-iconic way. The reduplicated segments are not defined by phonotactic boundaries, such as the syllable, but they are based on morphological units, disregarding their phonotactic structure. The origin and nature of this rare type of reduplication are not very clear. Morphologically based reduplication is not attested in the neighbouring languages with which Kwazá forms a linguistic area. However, Kwazá person markers are also involved in an unusual type of recursive construction that is encountered in the neighbouring languages, too. Recursive application of person markers occurs in Kwazá to express quoted speech in a transparent manner and has also given rise to less transparent expressions such as the desiderative. Similar constructions in the Aikanã and Wari’ languages suggest that this quotative construction is an areal feature of at least the Brazilian part of the Guaporé region. The quotative construction may help to understand the poorly understood phenomenon of seemingly redundant person marking in Kanoê, another language isolate of the region. It remains a question whether it also plays a role in the origin of the unique morphologically determined reduplication constructions of Kwazá.     

Bringing together linguistic and genetic evidence to test the Bantu expansion

The expansion of Bantu languages represents one of the most momentous events in the history of Africa. While it is well accepted that Bantu languages spread from their homeland (Cameroon/Nigeria) approximately 5000 years ago (ya), there is no consensus about the timing and geographical routes underlying this expansion. Two main models of Bantu expansion have been suggested: The 'early-split' model claims that the most recent ancestor of Eastern languages expanded north of the rainforest towards the Great Lakes region approximately 4000 ya, while the 'late-split' model proposes that Eastern languages diversified from Western languages south of the rainforest approximately 2000 ya. Furthermore, it is unclear whether the language dispersal was coupled with the movement of people, raising the question of language shift versus demic diffusion. We use a novel approach taking into account both the spatial and temporal predictions of the two models and formally test these predictions with linguistic and genetic data. Our results show evidence for a demic diffusion in the genetic data, which is confirmed by the correlations between genetic and linguistic distances. While there is little support for the early-split model, the late-split model shows a relatively good fit to the data. Our analyses demonstrate that subsequent contact among languages/populations strongly affected the signal of the initial migration via isolation by distance.     

The Bantu expansion revisited: a new analysis of Y chromosome variation in Central Western Africa

The current distribution of Bantu languages is commonly considered to be a consequence of a relatively recent population expansion (3-5kya) in Central Western Africa. While there is a substantial consensus regarding the centre of origin of Bantu languages (the Benue River Valley, between South East Nigeria and Western Cameroon), the identification of the area from where the population expansion actually started, the relation between the processes leading to the spread of languages and peoples and the relevance of local migratory events remain controversial. In order to shed new light on these aspects, we studied Y chromosome variation in a broad dataset of populations encompassing Nigeria, Cameroon, Gabon and Congo. Our results evidence an evolutionary scenario which is more complex than had been previously thought, pointing to a marked differentiation of Cameroonian populations from the rest of the dataset. In fact, in contrast with the current view of Bantu speakers as a homogeneous group of populations, we observed an unexpectedly high level of interpopulation genetic heterogeneity and highlighted previously undetected diversity for lineages associated with the diffusion of Bantu languages (E1b1a (M2) sub-branches). We also detected substantial differences in local demographic histories, which concord with the hypotheses regarding an early diffusion of Bantu languages into the forest area and a subsequent demographic expansion and migration towards eastern and western Africa.     

On the diachronic development of C1V1- reduplication in some Austronesian languages

This paper traces the diachronic developments of C₁V₁- reduplicative processes and their functions in some Austronesian languages. In the first half of the paper, we first examine the possible precursors of this reduplication, in particular the wide range of meanings that are associated with C₁V₁- reduplication in Formosan languages. One of the issues that is addressed is the diachronic relationship of C₁V₁- reduplication to the fixed vowel reduplicative pattern, C₁ a-, that is commonly found in both Philippine and Formosan languages and which has been reconstructed for Proto-Austronesian. I will claim that the evidence suggests that this fixed vowel reduplicative pattern developed from C₁V₁- reduplication, and not the reverse. Various paths of semantic development are proposed which bridge the gap between iterative and other functions such as instrumental nominalization, human noun plurals and quantifiers. In the Philippines, the development of *C₁V₁- ‘human noun plural’ in some of the northern languages of Luzon has resulted in the loss of any reduplicative tie to the base, resulting in the development of unique plural morphemes. This will be discussed in the second half of the paper, utilizing the concepts of abduction and deduction to demonstrate how reduplicative processes which are structurally ambiguous have been re-interpreted and analogically spread to affect lexical items originally not in the domain of the reduplication.     

Where did language come from? Connecting sign,song, and speech in hominin evolution

Recently theorists have developed competing accounts of the origins and nature of protolanguage and the subsequent evolution of language. Debate over these accounts is lively. Participants ask: Is music a direct precursor of language? Were the first languages gestural? Or is language continuous with primate vocalizations, such as the alarm calls of vervets? In this article I survey the leading hypotheses and lines of evidence, favouring a largely gestural conception of protolanguage. However, the “sticking point” of gestural accounts, to use Robbins Burling’s phrase, is the need to explain how language shifted to a largely vocal medium. So with a critical eye I consider Michael Corballis’s most recent expression of his ideas about this transition (2017’s The Truth About Language: What It Is And Where It Came From). Corballis’s view is an excellent foil to mine and I present it as such. Contrary to Corballis’s account, and developing Burling’s conjecture that musicality played some role, I argue that the foundations of an evolving musicality (i.e., evolving largely independently of language) provided the means and medium for the shift from gestural to vocal dominance in language. In other words, I suggest that an independently evolving musicality prepared ancient hominins, morphologically and cognitively, for intentional articulate vocal production, enabling the evolution of speech.     

Reduplication in Slavic and Baltic: loss and renewal

The exposition comprises three parts. Part 1 surveys the Indo-European reduplication patterns (RPs) that have been lost in Slavic and Baltic: the languages show little or no evidence of inherited RPs in present and perfect formations, and in intensive verbs (Sect. 2.1), but some vestiges of reduplication in nouns can be identified (Sect. 2.2). Part 2 describes innovated RPs in the Slavic verb; they can be posited on the basis of scanty evidence that has survived the Late Common Slavic loss of coda obstruents. Part 3 describes Baltic innovations reflected in Lithuanian: reduplicative root formations (Sect. 4.1), several minor lexicalized RPs (Sect. 4.2.), and the para-lexical part of speech called eventives (Sect. 4.3). Their content categories, types of expression, patterns of iconicity, and grammatical function are analysed and exemplified in some detail. It is suggested that formations such as these may form the natural background for the creation of new patterns of morphological expression including patterns of reduplication.     

Bantu language trees reflect the spread of farming across sub-Saharan Africa: a maximum-parsimony analysis

Linguistic divergence occurs after speech communities divide, in a process similar to speciation among isolated biological populations. The resulting languages are hierarchically related, like genes or species. Phylogenetic methods developed in evolutionary biology can thus be used to infer language trees, with the caveat that 'borrowing' of linguistic elements between languages also occurs, to some degree. Maximum-parsimony trees for 75 Bantu and Bantoid African languages were constructed using 92 items of basic vocabulary. The level of character fit on the trees was high (consistency index was 0.65), indicating that a tree model fits Bantu language evolution well, at least for the basic vocabulary. The Bantu language tree reflects the spread of farming across this part of sub-Saharan Africa between ca. 3000 BC and AD 500. Modern Bantu subgroups, defined by clades on parsimony trees, mirror the earliest farming traditions both geographically and temporally. This suggests that the major subgroups of modern Bantu stem from the Neolithic and Early Iron Age, with little subsequent movement by speech communities.     

mtDNA variability in two Bantu‐speaking populations (Shona and Hutu) from Eastern Africa: Implications for peopling and migration patterns in sub‐Saharan Africa

In this study, we report novel data on mitochondrial DNA in two of the largest eastern Bantu‐speaking populations, the Shona from Zimbabwe and the Hutu from Rwanda. The goal is to evaluate the genetic relationships of these two ethnic groups with other Bantu‐speaking populations. Moreover, by comparing our data with those from other Niger‐Congo speaking populations, we aim to clarify some aspects of evolutionary and demographic processes accompanying the spread of Bantu languages in sub‐Saharan Africa and to test if patterns of genetic variation fit with models of population expansion based on linguistic and archeological data. The results indicate that the Shona and Hutu are closely related to the other Bantu‐speaking populations. However, there are some differences in haplogroup composition between the two populations, mainly due to different genetic contributions from neighboring populations. This result is confirmed by estimates of migration rates which show high levels of gene flow not only between pairs of Bantu‐speaking populations, but also between Bantu and non‐Bantu speakers. The observed pattern of genetic variability (high genetic homogeneity and high levels of gene flow) supports a linguistic model suggesting a gradual spread of Bantu‐speakers, with strong interactions between the different lines of Bantu‐speaker descent, and is also in agreement with recent archeological findings. In conclusion, our data emphasize the role that population admixture has played at different times and to varying degrees in the dispersal of Bantu languages. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2009. © 2009 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

How to become a “Kwa” noun

An important problem of comparative Niger-Congo morphology is understanding the processes that relate word structures in languages of the isolating ??Kwa?? type to those of the agglutinating ??Bantu?? type. A salient sub-problem of this larger morphological puzzle is charting the connection between the noun class systems of the Kwa-type languages which, at one extreme, can lack such classes entirely, against those of the Bantu type which, at the other extreme, are famously elaborated. This issue is examined by looking at a range of ways that Niger-Congo noun class systems have been observed to diverge from the canonical Bantu type. The main conclusion of this study is that Niger-Congo noun class systems are quite robust, in the sense that loss of one part of the system need not be correlated with loss of the other parts. This suggests that the level of noun class attrition found in Kwa languages was not a historically ??natural?? event and also has implications for models of agreement and inflectional morphology.     

Mitochondrial DNA diversity in two ethnic groups in Southeastern Kenya: Perspectives from the northeastern periphery of the bantu expansion

The Bantu languages are widely distributed throughout sub‐Saharan Africa. Genetic research supports linguists and historians who argue that migration played an important role in the spread of this language family, but the genetic data also indicates a more complex process involving substantial gene flow with resident populations. In order to understand the Bantu expansion process in east Africa, mtDNA hypervariable region I variation in 352 individuals from the Taita and Mijikenda ethnic groups was analyzed, and we evaluated the interactions that took place between the Bantu‐ and non‐Bantu‐speaking populations in east Africa. The Taita and Mijikenda are Bantu‐speaking agropastoralists from southeastern Kenya, at least some of whose ancestors probably migrated into the area as part of Bantu migrations that began around 3,000 BCE. Our analyses indicate that they show some distinctive differences that reflect their unique cultural histories. The Taita are genetically more diverse than the Mijikenda with larger estimates of genetic diversity. The Taita cluster with other east African groups, having high frequencies of haplogroups from that region, while the Mijikenda have high frequencies of central African haplogroups and cluster more closely with central African Bantu‐speaking groups. The non‐Bantu speakers who lived in southeastern Kenya before Bantu speaking groups arrived were at least partially incorporated into what are now Bantu‐speaking Taita groups. In contrast, gene flow from non‐Bantu speakers into the Mijikenda was more limited. These results suggest a more complex demographic history where the nature of Bantu and non‐Bantu interactions varied throughout the area. Am J Phys Anthropol 150:482–491, 2013. © 2013 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Cultural phylogeography of the Bantu Languages of sub-Saharan Africa

There is disagreement about the routes taken by populations speaking Bantu languages as they expanded to cover much of sub-Saharan Africa. Here, we build phylogenetic trees of Bantu languages and map them onto geographical space in order to assess the likely pathway of expansion and test between dispersal scenarios. The results clearly support a scenario in which groups first moved south through the rainforest from a homeland somewhere near the Nigeria–Cameroon border. Emerging on the south side of the rainforest, one branch moved south and west. Another branch moved towards the Great Lakes, eventually giving rise to the monophyletic clade of East Bantu languages that inhabit East and Southeastern Africa. These phylogenies also reveal information about more general processes involved in the diversification of human populations into distinct ethnolinguistic groups. Our study reveals that Bantu languages show a latitudinal gradient in covering greater areas with increasing distance from the equator. Analyses suggest that this pattern reflects a true ecological relationship rather than merely being an artefact of shared history. The study shows how a phylogeographic approach can address questions relating to the specific histories of certain groups, as well as general cultural evolutionary processes.     

Suffix combinations in Bulgarian: parsability and hierarchy-based ordering

This article extends the empirical scope of the most recent approach to affix ordering, the Parsability Hypothesis (Hay 2001, 2002, 2003) or Complexity-Based Ordering (CBO) (Plag 2002; Hay and Plag 2004; Plag and Baayen 2009), to the inflecting-fusional morphological type, as represented by the South Slavic language Bulgarian. In order to account properly for the structure of the Bulgarian word, I distinguish between suffixes that are in the derivational word slot and suffixes that are in the inflectional word slot and show that inflectional suffix combinations are more easily parsable than derivational suffix combinations. Derivational suffixes participate in mirror-image combinations of AB–BA type and can be also attached recursively. The order of 12 out of the 22 derivational suffixes under scrutiny in this article is thus incompatible with CBO. With respect to recursiveness and productivity, the Bulgarian word exhibits three domains of suffixation (in order of increasing productivity): (1) a non-diminutive derivational domain, where a suffix may attach recursively on non-adjacent cycles; (2) a diminutive domain, where a suffix may attach recursively on adjacent cycles; and (3) an inflectional domain, where a suffix never attaches recursively. Overall, the results of this study conform to the last revision of the Parsability Hypothesis (Baayen et al. 2009); and if we see the derivational suffix slot and the inflectional suffix slot of the Bulgarian word as parallel to the non-native stratum and the Germanic stratum respectively in English word-formation, we can conclude that suffixes that are closer to the root tend to exhibit idiosyncrasies and appear less parsable in both languages.     

Reduplication in a computational HPSG of Hausa

In this article, I shall discuss the treatment of reduplication, and most notably total reduplication in an implemented grammar of Hausa. I shall compare several patterns observed in the language and conclude, on the basis of segmental and suprasegmental properties alike, that partial and total reduplication operate on entirely different structures: phonological representations of limited size (max: CVC) in the case of partial reduplication, and morphological representations, such as stems in the case of total reduplication. Finally, I shall show that partial reduplication can readily be captured by the morphophonological means offered by the underlying formalism, yet argue that total reduplication is best modelled on the basis of a binary morphological construction. I shall propose a formalisation that keeps all of the linguistic generalisations within the grammar proper, yet ensures compositionality and reversibility.     

Y chromosomes traveling south: the cohen modal haplotype and the origins of the Lemba--the "Black Jews of Southern Africa"

The Lemba are a traditionally endogamous group speaking a variety of Bantu languages who live in a number of locations in southern Africa. They claim descent from Jews who came to Africa from "Sena." "Sena" is variously identified by them as Sanaa in Yemen, Judea, Egypt, or Ethiopia. A previous study using Y-chromosome markers suggested both a Bantu and a Semitic contribution to the Lemba gene pool, a suggestion that is not inconsistent with Lemba oral tradition. To provide a more detailed picture of the Lemba paternal genetic heritage, we analyzed 399 Y chromosomes for six microsatellites and six biallelic markers in six populations (Lemba, Bantu, Yemeni-Hadramaut, Yemeni-Sena, Sephardic Jews, and Ashkenazic Jews). The high resolution afforded by the markers shows that Lemba Y chromosomes are clearly divided into Semitic and Bantu clades. Interestingly, one of the Lemba clans carries, at a very high frequency, a particular Y-chromosome type termed the "Cohen modal haplotype," which is known to be characteristic of the paternally inherited Jewish priesthood and is thought, more generally, to be a potential signature haplotype of Judaic origin. The Bantu Y-chromosome samples are predominantly (>80%) YAP+ and include a modal haplotype at high frequency. Assuming a rapid expansion of the eastern Bantu, we used variation in microsatellite alleles in YAP+ sY81-G Bantu Y chromosomes to calculate a rough date, 3,000-5,000 years before the present, for the start of their expansion.     

Revising the Bantu tree

Phylogenetic methods offer a promising advance for the historical study of language and cultural relationships. Applications to date, however, have been hampered by traditional approaches dependent on unfalsifiable authority statements: in this regard, historical linguistics remains in a similar position to evolutionary biology prior to the cladistic revolution. Influential phylogenetic studies of Bantu languages over the last two decades, which provide the foundation for multiple analyses of Bantu sociocultural histories, are a major case in point. Comparative analyses of basic lexica, instead of directly treating written words, use only numerical symbols that express non-replicable authority opinion about underlying relationships. Building on a previous study of Uto-Aztecan, here we analyse Bantu language relationships with methods deriving from DNA sequence optimization algorithms, treating basic vocabulary as sequences of sounds. This yields finer-grained results that indicate major revisions to the Bantu tree, and enables more robust inferences about the history of Bantu language expansion and/or migration throughout sub-Saharan Africa. “Early-split” versus “late-split” hypotheses for East and West Bantu are tested, and overall results are compared to trees based on numerical reductions of vocabulary data. Reconstruction of language histories is more empirically based and robust than with previous methods.     

Bayesian phylogenetic analysis supports an agricultural origin of Japonic languages

Languages, like genes, evolve by a process of descent with modification. This striking similarity between biological and linguistic evolution allows us to apply phylogenetic methods to explore how languages, as well as the people who speak them, are related to one another through evolutionary history. Language phylogenies constructed with lexical data have so far revealed population expansions of Austronesian, Indo-European and Bantu speakers. However, how robustly a phylogenetic approach can chart the history of language evolution and what language phylogenies reveal about human prehistory must be investigated more thoroughly on a global scale. Here we report a phylogeny of 59 Japonic languages and dialects. We used this phylogeny to estimate time depth of its root and compared it with the time suggested by an agricultural expansion scenario for Japanese origin. In agreement with the scenario, our results indicate that Japonic languages descended from a common ancestor approximately 2182 years ago. Together with archaeological and biological evidence, our results suggest that the first farmers of Japan had a profound impact on the origins of both people and languages. On a broader level, our results are consistent with a theory that agricultural expansion is the principal factor for shaping global linguistic diversity.     

The acquisition of Sesotho nominal agreement

The acquisition of Bantu noun class prefixes has long been an issue of theoretical interest, due in part to the large number of gender classes. In contrast, the acquisition of Bantu nominal agreement has received little attention. Given findings from other languages, one might expect the phonologically transparent system of Bantu agreement to be mastered early and easily. However, the recent discovery that Sotho languages permit null prefixes under certain grammatical conditions raises the possibility that learning nominal agreement might be more challenging than originally thought. The goal of this study was therefore to assess Sesotho-speaking 2–3-year-olds’ acquisition of nominal agreement as a function of full versus reduced noun class prefixes. Although the children exhibited early phonological underspecification, they otherwise represented nominal agreement with little problem, whether the noun class prefix was produced or not. The implications for learnability, and the development of lexical representations more generally, are discussed.     

Insights into the demographic history of African Pygmies from complete mitochondrial genomes

Pygmy populations are among the few hunter-gatherers currently living in sub-Saharan Africa and are mainly represented by two groups, Eastern and Western, according to their current geographical distribution. They are scattered across the Central African belt and surrounded by Bantu-speaking farmers, with whom they have complex social and economic interactions. To investigate the demographic history of Pygmy groups, a population approach was applied to the analysis of 205 complete mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) sequences from ten central African populations. No sharing of maternal lineages was observed between the two Pygmy groups, with haplogroup L1c being characteristic of the Western group but most of Eastern Pygmy lineages falling into subclades of L0a, L2a, and L5. Demographic inferences based on Bayesian coalescent simulations point to an early split among the maternal ancestors of Pygmies and those of Bantu-speaking farmers (～ 70,000 years ago [ya]). Evidence for population growth in the ancestors of Bantu-speaking farmers has been observed, starting ～ 65,000 ya, well before the diffusion of Bantu languages. Subsequently, the effective population size of the ancestors of Pygmies remained constant over time and ～ 27,000 ya, coincident with the Last Glacial Maximum, Eastern and Western Pygmies diverged, with evidence of subsequent migration only among the Western group and the Bantu-speaking farmers. Western Pygmies show signs of a recent bottleneck 4,000-650 ya, coincident with the diffusion of Bantu languages, whereas Eastern Pygmies seem to have experienced a more ancient decrease in population size (20,000-4,000 ya). In conclusion, the results of this first attempt at analyzing complete mtDNA sequences at the population level in sub-Saharan Africa not only support previous findings but also offer new insights into the demographic history of Pygmy populations, shedding new light on the ancient peopling of the African continent.     

Electron transfer between cytochromec and cytochromec peroxidase

The reaction between cytochromec (CC) and cytochromec peroxidase (CcP) is a very attractive system for investigating the fundamental mechanism of biological electron transfer. The resting ferric state of CcP is oxidized by hydrogen peroxide to compound I (CMPI) containing an oxyferryl heme and an indolyl radical cation on Trp-191. CMPI is sequentially reduced to CMPII and then to the resting state CcP by two molecules of CC. In this review we discuss the use of a new ruthenium photoreduction technique and other rapid kinetic techniques to address the following important questions: (1) What is the initial electron acceptor in CMPI? (2) What are the true rates of electron transfer from CC to the radical cation and to the oxyferryl heme? (3) What are the binding domains and pathways for electron transfer from CC to the radical cation and the oxyferryl heme? (4) What is the mechanism for the complete reaction under physiological conditions?