Mitochondrial DNA polymorphism reveals a genetic differentiation between ethnic groups in the population of Jerba

Jerba is an island situated in the South-East of Tunisia were some ethnic groups (Arabs, Berbers, Blacks, Jewishs and others) cohabit for centuries. The religion and cultural differences have represented an obstacle to a mixture between these groups. In order to evaluate the genetic differentiation between the muslim groups (Arabs, Berbers and Blacks), we have analysed the polymorphism of a mitochondrial DNA coding region. The cytochrome oxydase coding region (COII) was amplified by PCR in 57 Arabs, 42 Berbers and 16 Blacks. The amplified products were analysed by Restriction Fragment Length Polymorphism (RFLP). Genetic distances were calculated by using the AMOVA program. The values of these distances were significantly different between Arabs and Blacks, and between Berbers and Blacks but not between Arabs and Berbers. So That, to refine the evaluation of genetic diversity between Arabs and Berbers, we have analysed the polymorphism of a second mitochondrial coding region which encodes for the fifth unit of NADH deshydrogenase (ND5). Eleven haplotypes were defined from the resulting data of mitochondrial COII and ND5 polymorphism and a significant genetic distance between Arabs and Berbers was computed.     

Perspectives on Berber Politics: On Gellner And Masqueray, or Durkheim'S Mistake

An important element of Ernest Gellner's defence of his segmentarity theory of Berber politics was his claim that this theory can trace its origins to the work of the nineteenth-century French ethnologist Émile Masqueray, whose study of the Berbers of Algeria was cited by Durkheim to illustrate his concept of 'segmental social organization'. The implication of Gellner's claim was that the segmentarity theory applied to Algerian as well as Moroccan Berbers and that Masqueray and his predecessors should be seen as precursors of the segmentarity theory rather than as the originators of a distinct and rival vision. I argue that Gellner's reading of these authors was mistaken, that their approach to the understanding of Berber political life was profoundly different from, and arguably superior to, the segmentarist perspective which supplanted it, and that the construction which Durkheim placed upon their findings was entirely groundless.     

Canary islands-north African population affinities: measures of divergence based on dental morphology

This investigation addresses two related questions about the origins and biological affinities of the Canary Islands' aboriginal inhabitants. First: With which North African populations do the pre-conquest inhabitants of the Canary Islands have their greatest affinities? Second: Does inter-island biological variability among the Canary Islanders, as has been suggested by other researchers (Hooton 1925, Schwidetzky 1963), imply that potentially different founding populations remained distinct during the pre-conquest period? This study employs dental morphology data derived from pre-conquest skeletons to answer these questions. Non-metric dental traits appear to be controlled by polygenic systems with a low to moderate environmental contribution to the resulting phenotype (Berry 1978, Harris & Bailit 1980, Nichol 1990) and can thus be assumed to reflect genetic relationships. The dental morphology of a sample of Canary Islanders (n = 397) is compared to that of Northwest African samples of Algerian Shawia Berbers (n = 26), Kabyle Berbers (n = 32), Bedouin Arabs (n = 49) and Punic Carthaginians (n = 28) as well as to six samples from Northeast Africa (n = 307) included for the purpose of understanding Canary Islanders' affinities within a wider context. The analysis employs 28 dental traits, quantifying differences in their expression among the various samples through a summary statistic, CAB Smith's Mean Measure of Divergence (MMD). The MMD analysis indicates that the Canary Island sample is most similar to the four samples from Northwest Africa: the Shawia Berbers, Kabyle Berbers, Bedouin Arabs and Carthaginians, less similar to the three Egyptian samples and least like the three Nubian samples. An intra-island comparison among samples from La Gomera, Gran Canaria and Tenerife reveals low, insignificant MMD values in all cases, implying that inter-island dental morphology differences are not so great as to require hypotheses of separate founding populations.     

The international politics of national parks

National parks are the keystone institutions of environmental conservation. Because national parks make certain lands part of the state itself, international agencies and nongovernmental organizations that promote national parks propose, in effect, to alter the state, as well as the local economy and state relations with social groups. Has international political pressure caused states to create national parks? I consider whether countries highly involved in international politics have the largest proportions of land in national parks. I conclude that many states create minimal park systems as symbolic gestures to the international community. Field researchers may find it easier to explain the success or failure of parks if they identity why state officials decide that adopting international conservation norms will enhance state authority over people and state sovereignty over land.     

Continuity and Distinction in Land Cover Across a Rural Stretch of the U.S.-Mexico Border

Differences in land use and land cover often coincide with social and political borders. Using vegetation indices and a visual inspection of Landsat imagery, we consider a rural section of the central Arizona-Sonora border dominated by government-owned land on the U.S. side and seek to understand where and why cross-border land cover continuity exists in some places while distinction exists in others. Land cover distinctions are attributed largely to differential population and economic pressures in the two countries, but are also exacerbated by social and political distinctions. By contrast, historical relations, common use of the land, and relative remoteness provide cross-border homogeneity in land use and land cover in rural areas, especially on the Tohono O’odham reservation.     

The Proverbial Bourdieu: Habitus and the Politics of Representation in the Ethnography of Kabylia

Since the 1970s, anthropologists have been centrally concerned with the relationship of ethnographic representation to political and historical context. Interestingly, the work of Pierre Bourdieu has largely escaped such contextualization, despite the significance of Bourdieu's ideas to anthropological theorizing. Today, many of Bourdieu's central concepts float free from the context out of which they arose—the Kabyle region of Algeria. This article addresses this omission by reading Bourdieu's early works against each other to reconstitute aspects of his methodology and fieldwork. Focusing on his choice to represent the Kabyles of his early work in prose, and those in his later work via proverbs, I suggest that key premises of Bourdieu's theory may not be supported by historical and ethnographic evidence. I consider how Bourdieu's position as a young social scientist grappling with ethnographic responsibilities in colonial wartime led him to privilege his interlocutors' accounts in some studies while expunging them from others. [Keywords: Bourdieu, represented speech, literacy, Algeria, Berbers]     

Confronting the Structure of International Development: Political Agency and the Chiquitanos of Bolivia

In the past few decades, Latin America has encountered two related developments that are transforming indigenous peoples' ownership, use, and management of land and resources. The first has been a wave of political organizing among indigenous communities. International linkages, national and regional confederations, and local, intercommunal organizations have proliferated across Central and South America. Secondly, there has been a swift rise in the number and influence of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), which have brought unprecedented financial support and political leverage to the struggles of indigenous people. This paper examines development, natural resource management, and ecopolitics in the Chiquitano communities of Lomerio in the Bolivian lowlands. I discuss the impact of NGO and government policies and practices on Chiquitano political organization, and present examples of political agency on the part of the Chiquitanos, and features of the structural conditions that frame relations among the different groups.     

Genetic screening of the G2019S mutation of the LRRK2 gene in Southwest European, North African, and Sephardic Jewish subjects

The G2019S mutation in exon 41 of the leucine-rich repeat kinase 2 (LRRK2) gene accounts for 3-6% of familial dominant Parkinson's disease (PD) and for 1-2% of sporadic PD. It seems that there is a north-south gradient of G2019S frequency in Europe in PD patients, and the frequency of the mutation is up to 41% in North African cases. To obtain a precise estimate of G2019S frequency in populations with relatively elevated incidence of mutation carriers, we have tested for the presence of the G2019S in the south Mediterranean countries. Three thousand one hundred healthy European subjects were compared for the G2019S incidence with 597 healthy Arab subjects originating from five populations in North Africa and with 361 healthy Sephardi Jews from five other populations. The main incidence of G2019S carriers is 1/46 in our sample of North African Arabs, the most elevated carrier incidence (1/30) being found in Moroccan Berbers. An elevated incidence (1/72) is also found in our sample of Sephardi Jews. These results contrast with the ones we found (1/1550) in a sample of 3100 healthy subjects originating from 15 populations of southern Europe. Six microsatellite markers were used in the 20 G2019S carriers we found, to conduct a haplotype analysis. Our finding on the elevated incidence of the G2019S mutation in North African Arabs and in Sephardi Jews, Berbers being the people where the mutation probably originates from, has some important consequences for future genetic diagnosis and counseling for PD in these populations.     

Genetic study of the population of Tenerife (Canary Islands,Spain): Protein markers and review of classical polymorphisms

Data on six protein polymorphisms (19 alleles) from the human population of Tenerife are presented and discussed along with other classical markers in relation to the origin of the Canarians. Genetic influences from three population groups were considered: the Iberians, and the Berbers and non-Berbers (Arabs) from north Africa. The systems examined show the Tenerife population lies within the limits of variation described for various Iberian groups, with a slight tendency towards the characteristics of north African populations. When blood groups, red cell enzymes and serum protein data were considered, the similarity of the Canary population to Iberians seems strengthened (70% estimated contribution of Iberian peninsula genes to the present-day Canarian pool), while some relation with north African groups is shown. Genetic distances between Canarians and Arabs and Canarians and Berbers are lower than those between the two north African groups, indicating a relative and comparable contribution of each to the present-day gene pool of the Canarian population. The Arab contribution could be attributable to the slaves who were introduced to these islands after the conquest in the 15th century, while the Berber contribution could be the remnants of the extinct aboriginal peoples of the islands (Guanches) or a more recent immigration due to slavery. Genetic data do not allow us to distinguish between these two possibilities. Am. J. Phys. Anthropol. 102:337–349, 1997. © 1997 Wiley-Liss, Inc.     

HLA Class I and Class II Alleles and Haplotypes Confirm the Berber Origin of the Present Day Tunisian Population

In view of its distinct geographical location and relatively small area, Tunisia witnessed the presence of many civilizations and ethnic groups throughout history, thereby questioning the origin of present-day Tunisian population. We investigated HLA class I and class II gene profiles in Tunisians, and compared this profile with those of Mediterranean and Sub-Sahara African populations. A total of 376 unrelated Tunisian individuals of both genders were genotyped for HLA class I (A, B) and class II (DRB1, DQB1), using reverse dot-blot hybridization (PCR-SSO) method. Statistical analysis was performed using Arlequin software. Phylogenetic trees were constructed by DISPAN software, and correspondence analysis was carried out by VISTA software. One hundred fifty-three HLA alleles were identified in the studied sample, which comprised 41, 50, 40 and 22 alleles at HLA-A,-B,-DRB1 and -DQB1 loci, respectively. The most frequent alleles were HLA-A*02:01 (16.76%), HLA-B*44:02/03 (17.82%), HLA-DRB1*07:01 (19.02%), and HLA-DQB1*03:01 (17.95%). Four-locus haplotype analysis identified HLA-A*02:01-B*50:01-DRB1*07:01-DQB1*02:02 (2.2%) as the common haplotype in Tunisians. Compared to other nearby populations, Tunisians appear to be genetically related to Western Mediterranean population, in particular North Africans and Berbers. In conclusion, HLA genotype results indicate that Tunisians are related to present-day North Africans, Berbers and to Iberians, but not to Eastern Arabs (Palestinians, Jordanians and Lebanese). This suggests that the genetic contribution of Arab invasion of 7^th-11^th century A.D. had little impact of the North African gene pool.     

Villains,Victims, and Conservationists? Representational Frameworks and Sustainable Development on the Transamazon Highway

Literature on conservation and land reform politics concentrates on how local actors are characterized dualistically as either environmental villains or heroes. Here I present three different frames as exemplary of the multiple narratives at stake as actors create environmental subjectivities in relation to political opportunity, based primarily on ethnographic field research in a case study of Projects for Sustainable Development (PDSs) located in the Transamazon highway region of the Brazilian Amazon. I argue that local identities are mediated by their shifting relationships with other interested actors. Through a historical analysis of different frames of identity and land use, I examine how and why representation struggles occurred and shifted, based upon the ways in which powerful actors took advantage of political opportunities. This led to indeterminate outcomes in different local struggles across the region. In the process, local voices were often undermined in favor of interests of more powerful outsiders. The political process through which such struggles occur yield geographically and socially uneven effects contingent upon key events and contestation from disparate groups.     

The shifting sources of racial definition in Trinidad and Tobago,and Guyana: a research agenda

This comparison of ethnic relations in two countries, Trinidad and Tobago, and Guyana, supplements the research findings of synchronic studies of "the social construction of race" by offering a historically based framework to understand particular and local instances of ethnic relations. Drawing on a long historical study of Trinidad and Tobago, and Guyana, I argue that the institutional sources of definition of key "ethnicities" have shifted through the centuries. "Ethnicities" have been successively defined by the institutions of capital, state and community. While these institutions have overlapped in time they are not equally important at a given moment in the matter of defining "ethnicity". The content of the definitions has also varied significantly. At present political communities and the family are the major social institutions that determine "ethnic" content.     

Social Relations and the Green Critique of Capitalism in Melanesia

ABSTRACT  In this article, I explore what a critical environmental perspective would look like in Melanesia, where the distinction between nature and culture, and the expectation that science interprets the former in terms of the latter, may not apply. I consider changes in scientific knowledge production and the shift from cultural ecology to political ecology in Melanesian anthropology, including the argument that Melanesians are neither conservationists nor environmentalists. In contrast, I show how people exposed to pollution from the Ok Tedi copper and gold mine in Papua New Guinea mobilize their understandings of difference in a green critique of capitalism. I examine a strategy session of local activists, a public meeting about their campaign against the mine, and a sorcery tribunal. Finally, I suggest that Melanesian ideas about social relations provide a useful ethnographic analogy for thinking about the mobility and short temporal horizons of contemporary capitalism.     

The death of a drum: objects,persons, and changing social form on the Rai Coast of Papua New Guinea

Slit‐gong drums, made and used as part of affinal exchange relations on the Rai Coast of Papua New Guinea, are considered to be a kind of person. They cannot be extracted from the kin formations in which they came into being because they are part of the transformed relations that their manufacture effects. In an unprecedented event in 2010, a large slit‐gong used by a local community school was attacked during a dispute. In light of this, I examine irreplaceability and substitutability in relation to persons on the Rai Coast and explore what the attack implies about the changing status of objects and things under new economic and social conditions.     

Some Intellectual Genealogies for the Concept of Everyday Resistance

Concerns with how cultural factors influenced agrarian social change remained an abiding interest in the work of James Scott. I begin by sketching out the context of debates in Marxist theory, development studies, and social and political anthropology that, during the 1980s, turned to relations between ideas, power, and processes of conflict and change in a world of new postcolonial nations and rapid agrarian development. In the article, then, I carefully examine the ideas Scott developed about resistance and hegemony in conversation with the work of E. P. Thompson. Tracing the genealogy of Scott's ideas about hegemony and rural social protest, I comment in some detail on the literature on resistance that arose in anthropology during the 1980s and the role of Scott's Weapons of the Weak (1985) in shaping that literature while interacting with Subaltern Studies (Guha 1982–87), studies of social movements, and examinations of power in interpersonal relations.     

Stemming the Tide of Normalisation: An Expanded Feminist Analysis of the Ethics and Social Impact of Embryonic Stem Cell Research

Feminists have indicated the inadequacies of bioethical debates about human embryonic stem cell research, which have for the most part revolved around concerns about the moral status of the human embryo. Feminists have argued, for instance, that inquiry concerning the ethics and politics of human embryonic stem cell research should consider the relations of social power in which the research is embedded. My argument is that this feminist work on stem cells is itself inadequate, however, insofar as it has not incorporated an analysis of disability into its considerations of the ethical and political issues that surround the phenomena. Thus, I consider claims that disability theorists and anti-disability activists have made about the research. I conclude by indicating that stem cell research must be situated within a cultural matrix that operates in the service of normalisation.     

Learning from local knowledge in Peru—Ideas for more effective biodiversity conservation

Recent publications and political assessments point to the ongoing loss of global biological diversity. Identifying entry points for improved biodiversity policies requires us to improve our knowledge on the complex, anthropogenic factors that lead to biodiversity loss. This article approaches this challenge by analysing the causes and effects that experts from Peruvian political regions connect to biodiversity loss. In four workshops, 219 experts from 20 Peruvian political regions were asked to discuss the problem in focus groups. Besides observing the focus group discussions, meaning and context of mentioned aspects was further clarified in individual interviews.Performing a qualitative content analysis the aspects collected in focus groups have been clustered into groups of causes (environmental changes, economic land use issues, human expansion, ignorance and unawareness and weak political structures) and effects (environmental effects, loss of ecosystem services, economic effects and negative feedback effects). The results section presents all causes and effects in their local socio-economic context. Discussing the relevance of the results for policy making, I propose structuring the assessment of the biodiversity governance process in political output, social outcome and ecological impact to both highlighting the causal linkage of those dimensions and tracking the step-wise progress. This way, I break down the complex problem of biodiversity loss into tangible aspects and relate them to specific processes of economic development. I conclude that learning from regional experts and practitioners can help finding local approaches to improve policy processes under given capacities and conditions.     

Thinking with relations in nature conservation? A case study of the Etosha National Park and Haiǁom

The area of the Etosha National Park in Namibia has been inhabited for many centuries by Haiǁom, a group of (now former) hunter-gatherers. In 1907, Etosha was proclaimed as a game reserve, although Haiǁom were still allowed to live in the area until they were expelled in the 1950s due to then-dominant ideas of fortress conservation. In recent years, Haiǁom have been provided with several resettlement farms by the Namibian government as a reaction to the colonial land dispossession. In this article, I explore the onto-epistemology of Haiǁom (i.e. their being in and knowing the Etosha area), focusing on their relations with the land and with human and beyond-the-human beings before their eviction. I argue that the eviction implies not only economic marginalization but also social deprivation, which is inadequately addressed with resettlement. I suggest that thinking with relations, illustrated with the Haiǁom case, would call for other solutions in the context of measures taken for past land dispossessions and would open new paths for Namibia's nature conservation initiatives.