The Relation between Thematic Role Computing and Semantic Relatedness Processing during On-Line Sentence Comprehension

Sentence comprehension involves timely computing different types of relations between its verbs and noun arguments, such as morphosyntactic, semantic, and thematic relations. Here, we used EEG technique to investigate the potential differences in thematic role computing and lexical-semantic relatedness processing during on-line sentence comprehension, and the interaction between these two types of processes. Mandarin Chinese sentences were used as materials. The basic structure of those sentences is “Noun+Verb+‘le’+a two-character word”, with the Noun being the initial argument. The verb disambiguates the initial argument as an agent or a patient. Meanwhile, the initial argument and the verb are highly or lowly semantically related. The ERPs at the verbs revealed that: relative to the agent condition, the patient condition evoked a larger N400 only when the argument and verb were lowly semantically related; however, relative to the high-relatedness condition, the low-relatedness condition elicited a larger N400 regardless of the thematic relation; although both thematic role variation and semantic relatedness variation elicited N400 effects, the N400 effect elicited by the former was broadly distributed and reached maximum over the frontal electrodes, and the N400 effect elicited by the latter had a posterior distribution. In addition, the brain oscillations results showed that, although thematic role variation (patient vs. agent) induced power decreases around the beta frequency band (15–30 Hz), semantic relatedness variation (low-relatedness vs. high-relatedness) induced power increases in the theta frequency band (4–7 Hz). These results suggested that, in the sentence context, thematic role computing is modulated by the semantic relatedness between the verb and its argument; semantic relatedness processing, however, is in some degree independent from the thematic relations. Moreover, our results indicated that, during on-line sentence comprehension, thematic role computing and semantic relatedness processing are mediated by distinct neural systems.     

How the speed of working memory updating influences the on-line thematic processing of simple sentences in Mandarin Chinese

This ERP study used electrophysiological technique to examine how individual differences in the speed of working memory updating influence the use of syntactic and semantic information during on-line sentence argument interpretation, and the time course of that working memory updating effect. The basic structure of the experimental sentences was “Noun + Verb + adverb + ‘le’ + a two-character word”, with the Noun being the sentence initial argument. This initial argument is animate or inanimate and the following verb disambiguates it as an agent or patient. The results at the initial argument revealed that, the quick-updating group elicited a larger positivity over the frontal cortex (within 500–800 ms post-noun onset) as compared with the slow-updating group. At the following disambiguating verb, the slow-updating group only showed a word order effect, indicating that the patient-first condition elicited a larger P600 (within 500–1,000 ms post-verb onset) than the agent-first one; for the quick-updating group, at the early stage of processing, the patient-first sentences elicited a larger N400 (within 300–500 ms post-verb onset) than the agent-first ones only when the initial argument was inanimate; however, at the late stage, the patient-first sentences elicited an enhanced P600 (within 800–1,000 ms post-verb onset) only when the initial argument was animate. These results suggested that the speed of working memory updating not only influences the maintenance of sentence argument when the contents of working memory change but also influences the efficiency of integrating that argument with the verb at a late time point. When integrating the argument with the disambiguating verb, individuals with quick-updating ability can combine multiple sources of information (both noun animacy and word order), and conduct rapid and fine-grained two-stage processing; individuals with slow-updating ability, however, only rely on one dominant source of information types (word order), and conducted slow and course-grained processing.     

Left inferior frontal activations depending on the canonicity determined by the argument structures of ditransitive sentences: an MEG study

To elucidate the relationships between syntactic and semantic processes, one interesting question is how syntactic structures are constructed by the argument structure of a verb, where each argument corresponds to a semantic role of each noun phrase (NP). Here we examined the effects of possessivity [sentences with or without a possessor] and canonicity [canonical or noncanonical word orders] using Japanese ditransitive sentences. During a syntactic decision task, the syntactic structure of each sentence would be constructed in an incremental manner based on the predicted argument structure of the ditransitive verb in a verb-final construction. Using magnetoencephalography, we found a significant canonicity effect on the current density in the left inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) at 530-550 ms after the verb onset. This effect was selective to canonical sentences, and significant even when the precedent NP was physically identical. We suggest that the predictive effects associated with syntactic processing became larger for canonical sentences, where the NPs and verb were merged with a minimum structural distance, leading to the left IFG activations. For monotransitive and intransitive verbs, in which structural computation of the sentences was simpler than that of ditransitive sentences, we observed a significant effect selective to noncanonical sentences in the temporoparietal regions during 480-670 ms. This effect probably reflects difficulty in semantic processing of noncanonical sentences. These results demonstrate that the left IFG plays a predictive role in syntactic processing, which depends on the canonicity determined by argument structures, whereas other temporoparietal regions would subserve more semantic aspects of sentence processing.     

Re-Examination of Chinese Semantic Processing and Syntactic Processing: Evidence from Conventional ERPs and Reconstructed ERPs by Residue Iteration Decomposition (RIDE)

A number of studies have explored the time course of Chinese semantic and syntactic processing. However, whether syntactic processing occurs earlier than semantics during Chinese sentence reading is still under debate. To further explore this issue, an event-related potentials (ERPs) experiment was conducted on 21 native Chinese speakers who read individually-presented Chinese simple sentences (NP1+VP+NP2) word-by-word for comprehension and made semantic plausibility judgments. The transitivity of the verbs was manipulated to form three types of stimuli: congruent sentences (CON), sentences with a semantically violated NP2 following a transitive verb (semantic violation, SEM), and sentences with a semantically violated NP2 following an intransitive verb (combined semantic and syntactic violation, SEM+SYN). The ERPs evoked from the target NP2 were analyzed by using the Residue Iteration Decomposition (RIDE) method to reconstruct the ERP waveform blurred by trial-to-trial variability, as well as by using the conventional ERP method based on stimulus-locked averaging. The conventional ERP analysis showed that, compared with the critical words in CON, those in SEM and SEM+SYN elicited an N400–P600 biphasic pattern. The N400 effects in both violation conditions were of similar size and distribution, but the P600 in SEM+SYN was bigger than that in SEM. Compared with the conventional ERP analysis, RIDE analysis revealed a larger N400 effect and an earlier P600 effect (in the time window of 500–800 ms instead of 570–810ms). Overall, the combination of conventional ERP analysis and the RIDE method for compensating for trial-to-trial variability confirmed the non-significant difference between SEM and SEM+SYN in the earlier N400 time window. Converging with previous findings on other Chinese structures, the current study provides further precise evidence that syntactic processing in Chinese does not occur earlier than semantic processing.     

Auditory and Visual Interhemispheric Communication in Musicians and Non-Musicians

The corpus callosum (CC) is a brain structure composed of axon fibres linking the right and left hemispheres. Musical training is associated with larger midsagittal cross-sectional area of the CC, suggesting that interhemispheric communication may be faster in musicians. Here we compared interhemispheric transmission times (ITTs) for musicians and non-musicians. ITT was measured by comparing simple reaction times to stimuli presented to the same hemisphere that controlled a button-press response (uncrossed reaction time), or to the contralateral hemisphere (crossed reaction time). Both visual and auditory stimuli were tested. We predicted that the crossed-uncrossed difference (CUD) for musicians would be smaller than for non-musicians as a result of faster interhemispheric transfer times. We did not expect a difference in CUDs between the visual and auditory modalities for either musicians or non-musicians, as previous work indicates that interhemispheric transfer may happen through the genu of the CC, which contains motor fibres rather than sensory fibres. There were no significant differences in CUDs between musicians and non-musicians. However, auditory CUDs were significantly smaller than visual CUDs. Although this auditory-visual difference was larger in musicians than non-musicians, the interaction between modality and musical training was not significant. Therefore, although musical training does not significantly affect ITT, the crossing of auditory information between hemispheres appears to be faster than visual information, perhaps because subcortical pathways play a greater role for auditory interhemispheric transfer.     

Neural bases of syntax–semantics interface processing

The binding problem—question of how information between the modules of the linguistic system is integrated during language processing—is as yet unresolved. The remarkable speed of language processing and comprehension (Pulvermüller et al. 2009) suggests that at least coarse semantic information (e.g. noun animacy) and syntactically-relevant information (e.g. verbal template) are integrated rapidly to allow for coarse comprehension. This EEG study investigated syntax–semantics interface processing during word-by-word sentence reading. As alpha-band neural activity serves as an inhibition mechanism for local networks, we used topographical distribution of alpha power to help identify the timecourse of the binding process. We manipulated the syntactic parameter of verbal event structure, and semantic parameter of noun animacy in reduced relative clauses (RRCs, e.g. “The witness/mansion seized/protected by the agent was in danger”), to investigate the neural bases of interaction between syntactic and semantic networks during sentence processing. The word-by-word stimulus presentation method in the present experiment required manipulation of both syntactic structure and semantic features in the working memory. The results demonstrated a gradient distribution of early components (biphasic posterior P1–N2 and anterior N1–P2) over function words “by” and “the”, and the verb, corresponding to facilitation or conflict resulting from the syntactic (telicity) and semantic (animacy) cues in the preceding portion of the sentence. This was followed by assimilation of power distribution in the α band at the second noun. The flattened distribution of α power during the mental manipulation with high demand on working memory—thematic role re-assignment—demonstrates a state of α equilibrium with strong functional coupling between posterior and anterior regions. These results demonstrate that the processing of semantic and syntactic features during sentence comprehension proceeds in highly integrated fashion using gating of attentional resources to facilitate rapid comprehension, with attentional suppression of global alpha power to facilitate interaction of local networks.     

Structure before Meaning: Sentence Processing,Plausibility, and Subcategorization

Natural language processing is a fast and automatized process. A crucial part of this process is parsing, the online incremental construction of a syntactic structure. The aim of this study was to test whether a wh-filler extracted from an embedded clause is initially attached as the object of the matrix verb with subsequent reanalysis, and if so, whether the plausibility of such an attachment has an effect on reaction time. Finally, we wanted to examine whether subcategorization plays a role. We used a method called G-Maze to measure response time in a self-paced reading design. The experiments confirmed that there is early attachment of fillers to the matrix verb. When this attachment is implausible, the off-line acceptability of the whole sentence is significantly reduced. The on-line results showed that G-Maze was highly suited for this type of experiment. In accordance with our predictions, the results suggest that the parser ignores (or has no access to information about) implausibility and attaches fillers as soon as possible to the matrix verb. However, the results also show that the parser uses the subcategorization frame of the matrix verb. In short, the parser ignores semantic information and allows implausible attachments but adheres to information about which type of object a verb can take, ensuring that the parser does not make impossible attachments. We argue that the evidence supports a syntactic parser informed by syntactic cues, rather than one guided by semantic cues or one that is blind, or completely autonomous.     

Semantic Processing Persists despite Anomalous Syntactic Category: ERP Evidence from Chinese Passive Sentences

The syntax-first model and the parallel/interactive models make different predictions regarding whether syntactic category processing has a temporal and functional primacy over semantic processing. To further resolve this issue, an event-related potential experiment was conducted on 24 Chinese speakers reading Chinese passive sentences with the passive marker BEI (NP₁ + BEI + NP₂ + Verb). This construction was selected because it is the most-commonly used Chinese passive and very much resembles German passives, upon which the syntax-first hypothesis was primarily based. We manipulated semantic consistency (consistent vs. inconsistent) and syntactic category (noun vs. verb) of the critical verb, yielding four conditions: CORRECT (correct sentences), SEMANTIC (semantic anomaly), SYNTACTIC (syntactic category anomaly), and COMBINED (combined anomalies). Results showed both N400 and P600 effects for sentences with semantic anomaly, with syntactic category anomaly, or with combined anomalies. Converging with recent findings of Chinese ERP studies on various constructions, our study provides further evidence that syntactic category processing does not precede semantic processing in reading Chinese.     

How Is Sentence Processing Affected by External Semantic and Syntactic Information? Evidence from Event-Related Potentials

Background

A crucial question for understanding sentence comprehension is the openness of syntactic and semantic processes for other sources of information. Using event-related potentials in a dual task paradigm, we had previously found that sentence processing takes into consideration task relevant sentence-external semantic but not syntactic information. In that study, internal and external information both varied within the same linguistic domain—either semantic or syntactic. Here we investigated whether across-domain sentence-external information would impact within-sentence processing.

Methodology

In one condition, adjectives within visually presented sentences of the structure [Det]-[Noun]-[Adjective]-[Verb] were semantically correct or incorrect. Simultaneously with the noun, auditory adjectives were presented that morphosyntactically matched or mismatched the visual adjectives with respect to gender.

Findings

As expected, semantic violations within the sentence elicited N400 and P600 components in the ERP. However, these components were not modulated by syntactic matching of the sentence-external auditory adjective. In a second condition, syntactic within-sentence correctness-variations were combined with semantic matching variations between the auditory and the visual adjective. Here, syntactic within-sentence violations elicited a LAN and a P600 that did not interact with semantic matching of the auditory adjective. However, semantic mismatching of the latter elicited a frontocentral positivity, presumably related to an increase in discourse level complexity.

Conclusion

The current findings underscore the open versus algorithmic nature of semantic and syntactic processing, respectively, during sentence comprehension.     

From enclitic to prefix: diachrony of personal absolutive markers in Q’eqchi’

Q’eqchi’ (Mayan stock, K’ichean subgroup) is an ergative language; a finite verb form obligatorily carries information on the person and number of the absolutive participant, i.e., the unique argument of an intransitive verb or the direct object of a transitive one. The set of personal absolutive markers includes five morphemes; the third person singular has no overt marker. These morphemes in Modern Q’eqchi’ are prefixes in a finite verbal predication and enclitics in a non-finite predication. In a finite verb form, the place of an absolutive prefix is between the tense-aspect prefix and personal ergative prefix (in a transitive predication) or verb root (in an intransitive one). This paper argues that during Colonial Q’eqchi’ (used in the second half of the 16th century and slightly later) the general structure of a verbal complex was completely different, and all personal absolutive markers were in fact enclitics. They were enclitisized to tense-aspect morphemes that functioned syntactically as main predicates of a complex construction. Further diachronic change consolidated a verbal complex, conditioning the transition to affixation.     

Information Structure Influences Depth of Syntactic Processing: Event-Related Potential Evidence for the Chomsky Illusion

Information structure facilitates communication between interlocutors by highlighting relevant information. It has previously been shown that information structure modulates the depth of semantic processing. Here we used event-related potentials to investigate whether information structure can modulate the depth of syntactic processing. In question-answer pairs, subtle (number agreement) or salient (phrase structure) syntactic violations were placed either in focus or out of focus through information structure marking. P600 effects to these violations reflect the depth of syntactic processing. For subtle violations, a P600 effect was observed in the focus condition, but not in the non-focus condition. For salient violations, comparable P600 effects were found in both conditions. These results indicate that information structure can modulate the depth of syntactic processing, but that this effect depends on the salience of the information. When subtle violations are not in focus, they are processed less elaborately. We label this phenomenon the Chomsky illusion.     

Spectral power and cortical interactions in the beta2 rhythm in normal subjects and schizophrenic patients

Spectral and coherence characteristics of the beta 2 rhythm (20-40 Hz) were compared in patients with acute schizophrenia (the first episode), patients with chronic schizophrenia (disease duration more than two years), and healthy subjects (control group) during cognitive task performance. Examination showed the "excessive" spectral power of this rhythm in the prefrontal cortical areas in patients with acute schizophrenia and its "insufficient" spectral power in all derivations of the right hemisphere in patients with the chronic form as compared to the controls. The similarity of the beta 2 spectral power distribution in different cortical areas measured by covariance method decreased with increase in psychopathologic manifestations. Coherent analysis revealed a substantially lower number of cortico-cortical functional connections in schizophrenic patients than in healthy subjects, absence of interhemispheric connections in patients with acute schizophrenia, and a slight increase in their number if patients with the chronic disease. However, as distinct from the controls revealing many inter- and intrahemispheric connections in all cortical areas, in schizophrenics the interhemispheric connections were observed only in the posterior cortical regions. The results point to a disorder of interhemispheric interaction in schizophrenia.     

Somali wordhood and its relationship to prosodic structure

Previous “one tone per word” analyses of Somali wordhood fall short in a number of ways due to the morphological and prosodic complexity of the language. While the presence of a single accentual high tone is generally a good diagnostic for prosodic wordhood in the language, it is a poor predictor of grammatical wordhood. In this paper, we aim to refine the criteria needed to define both. We explore the culminative role played by tonal accent in the formation of prosodic words and the contributions of morphosyntactic and phonological phenomena in defining larger phrases that are sometimes considered single words in the language. We explore positive and negative correlations between prosodic and grammatical wordhood, and in doing so, we find that the differing accentual behavior of Somali words depends largely on the prosodic structure of their constituent morphemes and the position of these morphemes on a wordhood cline. We illustrate that while each maximal prosodic word in the language exhibits one tone, a minimal prosodic word is better defined in terms of its accentual properties. In addition, while prosodic and grammatical wordhood often align with one another, grammatical wordhood cannot be unambiguously defined based on tone or accent location.     

Association study of microRNA polymorphisms with risk of idiopathic recurrent spontaneous abortion in Korean women

Aim

The aim of this study was to investigate the association of microRNA polymorphisms (miR-146aC>G, miR-149T>C, miR-196a2T>C, and miR-499A>G) in Korean patients with recurrent spontaneous abortion (RSA).

Methods

We conducted a case-control study of 564 Korean women: 330 patients with at least two unexplained consecutive pregnancy losses and 234 healthy controls with at least one live birth and no history of pregnancy loss.

Results

RSA patients exhibited significantly different frequencies of the miR-196a2CC (TT+TC vs. CC; adjusted odds ratio [AOR], 1.587; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.042-2.417) and miR-499AG+GG genotypes (AOR, 1.671; 95% CI, 1.054-2.651) compared with the control group. The combination of miR-196a2CC and miR-499AG+GG showed synergistic effects (AOR, 3.541; 95% CI, 1.645-7.624).

Conclusion

miR-196a2CC, miR-499AG+GG, and the miR-196a2CC/miR-499AG+GG combination are significantly associated with idiopathic RSA in Korean women.     

Distinguishing Neurocognitive Processes Reflected by P600 Effects: Evidence from ERPs and Neural Oscillations

Research on language comprehension using event-related potentials (ERPs) reported distinct ERP components reliably related to the processing of semantic (N400) and syntactic information (P600). Recent ERP studies have challenged this well-defined distinction by showing P600 effects for semantic and pragmatic anomalies. So far, it is still unresolved whether the P600 reflects specific or rather common processes. The present study addresses this question by investigating ERPs in response to a syntactic and pragmatic (irony) manipulation, as well as a combined syntactic and pragmatic manipulation. For the syntactic condition, a morphosyntactic violation was applied, whereas for the pragmatic condition, such as “That is rich”, either an ironic or literal interpretation was achieved, depending on the prior context. The ERPs at the critical word showed a LAN-P600 pattern for syntactically incorrect sentences relative to correct ones. For ironic compared to literal sentences, ERPs showed a P200 effect followed by a P600 component. In comparison of the syntax-related P600 to the irony-related P600, distributional differences were found. Moreover, for the P600 time window (i.e., 500–900 ms), different changes in theta power between the syntax and pragmatics effects were found, suggesting that different patterns of neural activity contributed to each respective effect. Thus, both late positivities seem to be differently sensitive to these two types of linguistic information, and might reflect distinct neurocognitive processes, such as reanalysis of the sentence structure versus pragmatic reanalysis.     

The corpus callosum in primates: processing speed of axons and the evolution of hemispheric asymmetry

Interhemispheric communication may be constrained as brain size increases because of transmission delays in action potentials over the length of axons. Although one might expect larger brains to have progressively thicker axons to compensate, spatial packing is a limiting factor. Axon size distributions within the primate corpus callosum (CC) may provide insights into how these demands affect conduction velocity. We used electron microscopy to explore phylogenetic variation in myelinated axon density and diameter of the CC from 14 different anthropoid primate species, including humans. The majority of axons were less than 1 µm in diameter across all species, indicating that conduction velocity for most interhemispheric communication is relatively constant regardless of brain size. The largest axons within the upper 95th percentile scaled with a progressively higher exponent than the median axons towards the posterior region of the CC. While brain mass among the primates in our analysis varied by 97-fold, estimates of the fastest cross-brain conduction times, as conveyed by axons at the 95th percentile, varied within a relatively narrow range between 3 and 9 ms across species, whereas cross-brain conduction times for the median axon diameters differed more substantially between 11 and 38 ms. Nonetheless, for both size classes of axons, an increase in diameter does not entirely compensate for the delay in interhemispheric transmission time that accompanies larger brain size. Such biophysical constraints on the processing speed of axons conveyed by the CC may play an important role in the evolution of hemispheric asymmetry.     

Hemispheric organization of verbal memory functions in seasonal winter depression: electrophysiological analysis

Spatial organization of EEG power and coherence during memorization of dichotically presented lists of words were studied in patients with winter depression (N = 17) and control subjects (N = 22). In contrast to the control subjects, the depressed patients were characterized by the higher theta power in the right parietal and posterior temporal regions and the dominance of the alpha 2 in the left midfrontal area. The patients also differed in the lower theta 2 coherence in the left hemisphere and lower alpha 1 coherence in the right hemisphere. These effects showed different intrahemispheric distribution. The interhemispheric EEG coherence in the theta 2 range between the frontal areas and alpha 1 coherence between the left frontal and right posterior areas was lower in the patients than in the control subjects. Verbal-emotional interaction in depressions are discussed.     

Correlation between Corpus Callosum Sub-Segmental Area and Cognitive Processes in School-Age Children

We assessed the relationship between structural characteristics (area) and microstructure (apparent diffusion coefficient; ADC) of the corpus callosum (CC) in 57 healthy children aged 7.0 to 9.1 years, with diverse cognitive and academic abilities as well as executive functions evaluated with a neuropsychological battery for children. The CC was manually delineated and sub-segmented into six regions, and their ADC and area were measured. There were no significant differences between genders in the callosal region area or in ADC. The CC area and ADC, mainly of anterior regions, correlated with different cognitive abilities for each gender. Our results suggest that the relationship between cognitive abilities and CC characteristics is different between girls and boys and between the anterior and posterior regions of the CC. Furthermore, these findings strenghten the idea that regardless of the different interhemispheric connectivity schemes per gender, the results of cognitive tasks are very similar for girls and boys throughout childhood.     

Abnormality of the Corpus Callosum in Coalmine Gas Explosion-Related Posttraumatic Stress Disorder

Abnormal corpus callosum (CC) has been reported in childhood trauma-related posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD); however, the nature of white matter (WM) integrity alterations in the CC of young adult-onset PTSD patients is unknown. In this study, 14 victims of a coal mine gas explosion with PTSD and 23 matched coal miners without experiencing the coal mine explosion were enrolled. The differences in fractional anisotropy (FA) within 7 sub-regions of the CC were compared between the two groups. Compared to the controls, PTSD coal miners exhibited significantly reduced FA values in the anterior sub-regions of the CC (P < 0.05, Bonferroni-corrected), which mainly interconnect the bilateral frontal cortices. Our findings indicated that the anterior part of the CC was more severely impaired than the posterior part in young adult-onset PTSD, which suggested the patterns of CC impairment may depend on the developmental stage of the structure when the PTSD occurs.     

The corpus callosum as an evolutionary innovation

The corpus callosum (CC) is the major interhemispheric fibre bundle in the eutherian brain and has been described as a true evolutionary innovation. This paper reviews the current literature with regard to functional, developmental and genetic concepts that may help elucidate the evolutionary origin of this structure. It has been suggested that the CC arose in the eutherian brain as a more direct and, therefore, more effective system for the interhemispheric integration of topographically organized sensory cortices than the anterior commissure (AC) and hippocampal commissure (HC) already present in nonplacental mammals. It can also be argued, however, that the ability of the CC to integrate the newly evolving motor cortices of placental mammals may have played a role in the evolutionary fixation of this structure. Investigations into the developmental mechanism involved in the formation of the CC and their underlying patterns of gene expression make it possible to formulate a tentative hypothesis about the evolutionary origin of this commissure. This paper suggests that changes in the developmental patterns of the expression of certain regulatory genes may have allowed a first group of callosal pioneering axons to cross the cortical midline. These pioneering fibres may have used the axons of the HC to find their way across the midline. Additional callosal fibres may then have fasciculated with these pioneers. Once the CC had formed in this way, more complex systems of axonal guidance may have evolved over time, thus enabling a gradual increase in the size and complexity of the CC.