Pooled energy budgets: Resituating human energy ‐allocation trade‐offs

Across taxa, many life‐history traits vary as a function of differences in body size. 1 - 5 Among primates, including humans, allometric relationships explain many trends in metabolic, growth, reproductive, and mortality rates. 6 - 8 But humans also deviate from nonhuman primates with respect to other developmental, reproductive, and parenting characteristics. 9 - 13 Broad relationships between life‐history traits and body size assume that energy expended in activity (foraging effort) is proportional to body size, and that energy available for growth and reproduction are equivalent. Because human subsistence and parenting are based on food sharing, and cooperation in labor and childrearing, the ways by which energy is acquired and allocated to alternate expenditures are expanded. We present a modification of the general allocation model to include a mechanism for these energy transfers. Our goal is to develop a framework that incorporates this mechanism and can explain the human life‐history paradox; that is, slow juvenile growth and rapid reproduction. We suggest that the central characteristics of human subsistence and energy transfer need to be accounted for in order to more fully appreciate human life‐history variability.     

Ecological determinants of women's status among hunter/gatherers

Women's status in preindustrial communities has been the focus of a number of studies in the past two decades. However, very few of these studies deal exclusively with hunter/gatherers, and none of the hunter/gatherer studies combine empirical tests with explanations. Because of a number of differences with settled agricultural villagers, hunter/gatherers can be viewed as the focus of distinctive substantive ecological theory. A cross-cultural materialist approach to the problem of why women's status is high among some hunter/gatherers and low among others indicates that several factors are strongly related to differences in women's status. Frequent and severe resource stress is the most strongly associated with low female status in the domestic and political domain, while warfare exerts an independent but lesser effect. The importance of hunting constitutes a third and still more weakly associated variable. Thus, women's political and domestic status among hunter/gatherers predominantly appears to have resulted from techno-ecological conditions. In contrast, technoecological conditions appear to have had no strong influence on women's status in ritual roles, including shamanism. Several possible ways that women's status might be linked to techno-economic conditions are proposed. The results of this study demonstrate that Leacock's assumptions of systematic bias in the ethnographic record, and of ubiquitous female equality among band level societies are unjustified.     

Brief communication: physiological stress in the Florida Archaic-enamel hypoplasia and patterns of developmental insult in early North American hunter-gatherers

We examined the prevalence and developmental timing of linear enamel hypoplasias (LEHs) in an early Archaic Floridian population from Windover (8,120-6,980 (14)C years B.P. uncorrected). Using digital images, mandibular and maxillary canines were analyzed for defect prevalence and timing of insults. Although overall prevalence was very weakly correlated with earlier defect timing, there were significant differences in defect prevalence that varied by sex and tooth type. The mean LEH count in male mandibular canines was far higher than in male maxillary canines or in female mandibular or maxillary canines. We examined defect timing as a possible predictor of the sex differences in LEH prevalence. There were no significant sex differences in the developmental timing of the earliest defects in either tooth class. Developmental timing is not responsible for the sex differences seen in defect prevalence in mandibular canines.     

Estimating age from adult occlusal wear: A modification of the miles method

The Miles method of age estimation relies on molar wear to estimate age and is widely used in bioarcheological contexts. However, because the method requires physical seriation and a sample of subadults to estimate wear rates it cannot be applied to many samples. Here, we modify the Miles method by scoring occlusal wear and estimating molar wear rates from adult wear gradients in 311 hunter‐gatherers and provide formulae to estimate the error associated with each age estimate. A check of the modified method in a subsample (n = 22) shows that interval estimates overlap in all but one case with age categories estimated from traditional methods; this suggests that the modifications have not hampered the ability of the Miles method to estimate age even in heterogeneous samples. As expected, the error increases with age and in populations with smaller sample sizes. These modifications allow the Miles method to be applied to skeletal samples of adult crania that were previously only amenable to cranial suture age estimation, and importantly, provide a measure of uncertainty for each age estimate. Am J Phys Anthropol 149:181–192, 2012. © Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

The Northwest Coast

Over the past several decades, archeological research on the Northwest Coast of North America has focused on the evolution of the coast's well‐known native societies. This research has two broad goals: building local and regional culture histories spanning the Holocene and answering processual questions about the evolution and persistence of cultural complexity among hunter‐gatherers. Cultural complexity includes relatively dense populations, partial to full sedentism, corporate groups, some degree of occupational specialization, permanent social inequality, and control of property. 1 - 3 Recently archeologists have begun to investigate whether the coast was a possible route for the peopling of North America. Presently, the earliest known sites on the coast date to about 9,000 BC, although it is likely that the initial occupation was earlier. Some aspects of cultural complexity had developed on the coast by 2,500 BC, with permanent inequality present by 900 BC, if not earlier. Central to this development were large corporate households, intensive food production and storage, and technological innovations including water‐tight wooden containers and large‐capacity boats. Patterns of complexity on the coast continued to change through the arrival of Europeans in the mid‐1700s.     

Hunter‐gatherers and human evolution

Although few hunter‐gatherers or foragers exist today, they are well documented in the ethnographic record. Anthropologists have been eager to study them since they assumed foragers represented a lifestyle that existed everywhere before 10,000 years ago and characterized our ancestors into some ill‐defined but remote past. In the past few decades, that assumption has been challenged on several grounds. Ethnographically described foragers may be a biased sample that only continued to exist because they occupied marginal habitats less coveted by agricultural people. 3 In addition, many foragers have been greatly influenced by their association with more powerful agricultural societies. 4 It has even been suggested that Holocene foragers represent a new niche that appeared only with the climatic changes and faunal depletion at the end of the last major glaciation. 5 Despite these issues, the ethnographic record of foragers provides the only direct observations of human behavior in the absence of agriculture, and as such is invaluable for testing hypotheses about human behavioral evolution. 6 .     

The role of causal knowledge in the evolution of traditional technology

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Oral microbiomes from hunter‐gatherers and traditional farmers reveal shifts in commensal balance and pathogen load linked to diet

Maladaptation to modern diets has been implicated in several chronic disorders. Given the higher prevalence of disease such as dental caries and chronic gum diseases in industrialized societies, we sought to investigate the impact of different subsistence strategies on oral health and physiology, as documented by the oral microbiome. To control for confounding variables such as environment and host genetics, we sampled saliva from three pairs of populations of hunter‐gatherers and traditional farmers living in close proximity in the Philippines. Deep shotgun sequencing of salivary DNA generated high‐coverage microbiomes along with human genomes. Comparing these microbiomes with publicly available data from individuals living on a Western diet revealed that abundance ratios of core species were significantly correlated with subsistence strategy, with hunter‐gatherers and Westerners occupying either end of a gradient of Neisseria against Haemophilus, and traditional farmers falling in between. Species found preferentially in hunter‐gatherers included microbes often considered as oral pathogens, despite their hosts' apparent good oral health. Discriminant analysis of gene functions revealed vitamin B5 autotrophy and urease‐mediated pH regulation as candidate adaptations of the microbiome to the hunter‐gatherer and Western diets, respectively. These results suggest that major transitions in diet selected for different communities of commensals and likely played a role in the emergence of modern oral pathogens.     

Genetic perspectives on forager‐farmer interaction in the Luangwa Valley of Zambia

The transformation from a foraging way of life to a reliance on domesticated plants and animals often led to the expansion of agropastoralist populations at the expense of hunter‐gatherers (HGs). In Africa, one of these expansions involved the Niger‐Congo Bantu‐speaking populations that started to spread southwards from Cameroon/Nigeria ～4,000 years ago, bringing agricultural technologies. Genetic studies have shown different degrees of gene flow (sometimes involving sex‐biased migrations) between Bantu agriculturalists and HGs. Although these studies have covered many parts of sub‐Saharan Africa, the central part (e.g. Zambia) was not yet studied, and the interactions between immigrating food‐producers and local HGs are still unclear. Archeological evidence from the Luangwa Valley of Zambia suggests a long period of coexistence (～1,700 years) of early food‐producers and HGs. To investigate if this apparent coexistence was accompanied by genetic admixture, we analyzed the mtDNA control region, Y chromosomal unique event polymorphisms, and 12 associated Y‐ short tandem repeats in two food‐producing groups (Bisa and Kunda) that live today in the Luangwa Valley, and compared these data with available published data on African HGs. Our results suggest that both the Bisa and Kunda experienced at most low levels of admixture with HGs, and these levels do not differ between the maternal and paternal lineages. Coalescent simulations indicate that the genetic data best fit a demographic scenario with a long divergence (62,500 years) and little or no gene flow between the ancestors of the Bisa/Kunda and existing HGs. This scenario contrasts with the archaeological evidence for a long period of coexistence between the two different communities in the Luangwa Valley, and suggests a process of sociocultural boundary maintenance may have characterized their interaction. Am J Phys Anthropol 2010. © 2009 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

The origins of food production in north China: A different kind of agricultural revolution

By roughly 8,000 calendar years before the present (calBP), hunter‐gatherers across a broad swath of north China had begun small‐scale farming of broomcorn millet (Panicum miliaceum) and foxtail millet (Setaria italica). 1 - 6 According to traditional wisdom, this early millet farming evolved from the intensive hunter‐gatherer adaptation represented by the late Pleistocene microblade tradition of northern China, 2 , 7 termed here the North China Microlithic. The archeological record of this hunter‐gatherer connection is poorly documented, however, and as a result the early agricultural revolution in north China is not as well understood as those that occurred in other parts of the world. The Laoguantai site of Dadiwan, in the western Loess Plateau, Gansu Province, PRC, furnishes the first complete record of this transition, which unfolded quite differently from other, better known, agricultural revolutions.     

Natural cooperators: Food sharing in humans and other primates

The study of cooperation is rich with theoretical models and laboratory experiments that have greatly advanced our knowledge of human uniqueness, but have sometimes lacked ecological validity. We therefore emphasize the need to tie discussions of human cooperation to the natural history of our species and its closest relatives, focusing on behavioral contexts best suited to reveal underlying selection pressures and evolved decision rules. 1 - 3 Food sharing is a fundamental form of cooperation that is well‐studied across primates and is particularly noteworthy because of its central role in shaping evolved human life history, social organization, and cooperative psychology. 1 - 16 Here we synthesize available evidence on food sharing in humans and other primates, tracing the origins of offspring provisioning, mutualism, trade, and reciprocity throughout the primate order. While primates may gain some benefits from sharing, humans, faced with more collective action problems in a risky foraging niche, expanded on primate patterns to buffer risk and recruit mates and allies through reciprocity and signaling, and established co‐evolving social norms of production and sharing. Differences in the necessity for sharing are reflected in differences in sharing psychology across species, thus helping to explain unique aspects of our evolved cooperative psychology.     

Cross-cultural estimation of the human generation interval for use in genetics-based population divergence studies

The length of the human generation interval is a key parameter when using genetics to date population divergence events. However, no consensus exists regarding the generation interval length, and a wide variety of interval lengths have been used in recent studies. This makes comparison between studies difficult, and questions the accuracy of divergence date estimations. Recent genealogy-based research suggests that the male generation interval is substantially longer than the female interval, and that both are greater than the values commonly used in genetics studies. This study evaluates each of these hypotheses in a broader cross-cultural context, using data from both nation states and recent hunter-gatherer societies. Both hypotheses are supported by this study; therefore, revised estimates of male, female, and overall human generation interval lengths are proposed. The nearly universal, cross-cultural nature of the evidence justifies using these proposed estimates in Y-chromosomal, mitochondrial, and autosomal DNA-based population divergence studies.     

Upper limb musculoskeletal stress markers among middle Holocene foragers of Siberia's Cis‐Baikal region

This evaluation of musculoskeletal stress markers (MSMs) in the Cis‐Baikal focuses on upper limb activity reconstruction among the region's middle Holocene foragers, particularly as it pertains to adaptation and cultural change. The five cemetery populations investigated represent two discrete groups separated by an 800–1,000 year hiatus: the Early Neolithic (8000–7000/6800 cal. BP) Kitoi culture and the Late Neolithic/Bronze Age (6000/5800–4000 cal. BP) Isakovo‐Serovo‐Glaskovo (ISG) cultural complex. Twenty‐four upper limb MSMs are investigated not only to gain a better understanding of activity throughout the middle Holocene, but also to independently assess the relative distinctiveness of Kitoi and ISG adaptive regimes. Results reveal higher heterogeneity in overall activity levels among Early Neolithic populations—with Kitoi males exhibiting more pronounced upper limb MSMs than both contemporary females and ISG males—but relative constancy during the Late Neolithic/Bronze Age, regardless of sex or possible status. On the other hand, activity patterns seem to have varied more during the latter period, with the supinator being ranked high among the ISG, but not the Kitoi, and forearm flexors and extensors being ranked generally low only among ISG females. Upper limb rank patterning does not distinguish Early Neolithic males, suggesting that their higher MSM scores reflect differences in the degree (intensity and/or duration), rather than the type, of activity employed. Finally, for both Kitoi and ISG peoples, activity patterns—especially the consistently high‐ranked costoclavicular ligament and deltoid and pectoralis major muscles—appear to be consistent with watercraft use. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2009. © 2008 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Biogeochemical inferences of mobility of early Holocene fisher‐foragers from the Southern Sahara Desert

North Africa is increasingly seen as an important context for understanding modern human evolution and reconstructing biocultural adaptations. The Sahara, in particular, witnessed a fluorescence of hunter‐gatherer settlement at the onset of the Holocene after an extended occupational hiatus. Subsequent subsistence changes through the Holocene are contrary to those documented in other areas where mobile foraging gave way to settled agricultural village life. In North Africa, extractive fishing and hunting was supplanted by cattle and caprine pastoralism under deteriorating climatic conditions. Therefore, the initial stage of food production in North Africa witnessed a likely increase in mobility. However, there are few studies of paleomobility in Early Holocene hunter‐gatherer Saharan populations and the degree of mobility is generally assumed. Here, we present radiogenic strontium isotope ratios from Early Holocene fisher‐forager peoples from the site of Gobero, central Niger, southern Sahara Desert. Data indicate a relatively homogeneous radiogenic strontium isotope signature for this hunter‐gather population with limited variability exhibited throughout the life course or among different individuals. Although the overall signature was local, some variation in the radiogenic strontium isotope data likely reflects transhumance into the nearby Aïr Massif. Data from Gobero were significantly less variable than in other worldwide hunter‐gatherer populations, including those thought to be fairly sedentary. Strontium data from Gobero were also significantly different from contemporaneous sites in southwestern Libya. These patterns are discussed with respect to archaeological models of community organization and technological evolution. Am J Phys Anthropol 2011. © 2011 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.