Mayan Language Revival and Revitalization Politics: Linguists and Linguistic Ideologies

Although spoken by a relatively large population, Mayan languages show signs of language shift and loss because the children in some of the speech communities are no longer learning the language. At the same time, Mayas are participating in a movement of cultural reaffirmation, a principle focus of which is language. Maya linguists are central in formulating and reshaping language ideologies to further the goals of revitalization, and they play a significant role in cultural/linguistic activism. This article shows the extent of the contribution of linguistics to Mayan language vitality through an analysis of language ideologies and how they have been reformulated by Maya linguists, and by a review of an apparently successful attempt at reversing language loss that has arisen through an integrated community-based program of cultural revitalization that centers, to a large extent, on language and makes specific use of linguistics. [Keywords: language shift, language ideologies, language revitalization, Mayan languages, Maya movement]     

Delineating genetic relationships among the Maya

By 250 AD, the Classic Maya had become the most advanced civilization within the New World, possessing the only well-developed hieroglyphic writing system of the time and an advanced knowledge of mathematics, astronomy and architecture. Though only ruins of the empire remain, 7.5 million Mayan descendants still occupy areas of Mexico, Guatemala, Belize, El Salvador, and Honduras. Although they inhabit distant and distinct territories, speak more than 28 languages, and have been historically divided by warfare and a city-state-like political system, and they share characteristics such as rituals, artistic, architectural motifs that distinguish them as unequivocally Maya. This study was undertaken to determine whether these similarities among Mayan communities mirror genetic affinities or are merely a reflection of their common culture. Four Mayan populations were investigated (i.e., the K'iche and Kakchikel from Guatemala and the Campeche and Yucatan from Mexico) and compared with previously published populations across 15 autosomal STR loci. As a whole, the Maya emerge as a distinct group within Mesoamerica, indicating that they are more similar to each other than to other Mesoamerican groups. The data suggest that although geographic and political boundaries existed among Mayan communities, genetic exchanges between the different Mayan groups have occurred, supporting theories of extensive trading throughout the empire.     

Environmentally Contingent Reproductive Strategies in Mayan and Ache Males

This research explores male reproductive parameters, particularly the timing of first reproduction, in two traditional populations. Predictions are drawn from theoretical arguments that have their roots in evolutionary psychology and behavioral ecology, and that interpret variation in reproductive outcomes as environmentally contingent adaptations. In both Ache and Mayan samples, father absence, predicted to act as a stressor that causes precocious sexuality and reproduction as well as unstable pair bonds, did not affect the timing of first reproduction in male offspring in the expected way. Father absence in Mayan men, however, was found to be associated with responses to questionnaire items indicating lack of willingness to pay time and energy costs to maintain existing sexual unions. The results suggest that father absence affects male mating strategy, but that strategic differences did not translate into reproductive outcomes in the sample. In the Mayan population, education was associated with early reproduction, more lifetime sex partners, and higher fertility, which was also contrary to the predicted pattern based on a life-history tradeoff approach. Parental resources were associated with earlier reproduction in the Mayan sample, confirming the prediction that restricted resources should delay reproduction.     

Longitudinal analysis of adolescent growth of ladino and Mayan school children in Guatemala: effects of environment and sex.

The rate of growth in height and the timing of adolescent growth events are analyzed for two samples of Guatemalan children. One sample includes Mayan school children, 33 boys and 12 girls between the ages of 5.00 to 17.99 years, living under poor conditions for growth and development. The second sample includes ladino children, 78 boys and 85 girls of the same age range, living under favorable conditions for growth. The Preece-Baines model I function is used to estimate mean values for rates and timing of childhood and adolescent growth events for the two groups. Significant statistical contrasts (t-tests) of these means show Mayan boys reach the age of "take-off" (TO; the onset of the adolescent growth spurt) 1.45 years later, achieve peak height velocity (PHV) 1.68 years later, and continue growing for about 2.0 years longer than do the ladino boys. Despite the Mayan boys' increased duration for growth they grow significantly more slowly than the ladinos. Mayan boys are 6.60 cm shorter than ladinos at the age of TO and are estimated to be 7.71 cm shorter than the ladinos at adulthood. Mayan girls reach the age of TO 0.93 years later than do the ladina girls, but the two groups do not differ in the age at PHV or the age at adulthood. The mean height of Mayan girls is significantly less than that of ladinas at the age of TO (6.5 cm), and this difference increases to an estimated 11.14 cm at adulthood. Possible causes of these ethnic and sex-related differences in amounts and rates of growth are discussed in relation to hypotheses about the genetic and environmental determinants of human development.     

Reproductive Biology of the Introduced Mayan cichlid, Cichlasoma urophthalmus, Within an Estuarine Mangrove Habitat of Southern Florida

We investigated the reproductive biology of the Mayan cichlid, Cichlasoma urophthalmus, for twenty consecutive months in a southern Florida mangrove creek and compared it to that of available published accounts where this species is native. Mayan cichlid reproduction occurred during a period of the year when physical conditions facilitated the best growth and survival of the young, and was influenced more by changes in water level and salinity than by temperature. Most nests were observed along mangrove shorelines in April. The majority of reproduction and parental care of the young followed in May, and was completed by June when rising water levels flooded shallow habitats and dispersed young-of-year fish. Mayan cichlids in Florida became reproductively mature at a greater size than in native regions, but produced roughly the same number of eggs at a given body mass. The similarity of environmental conditions between southern Florida and areas where Mayan cichlids naturally occur imparts a very favorable reproductive potential for this species in southern Florida, and facilitates their continued presence within the ichthyofauna of the region.     

Genetic Evidence for Multiple Sources of the Non-Native Fish Cichlasoma urophthalmus (Günther; Mayan Cichlids) in Southern Florida

The number and diversity of source populations may influence the genetic diversity of newly introduced populations and affect the likelihood of their establishment and spread. We used the cytochrome b mitochondrial gene and nuclear microsatellite loci to identify the sources of a successful invader in southern Florida, USA, Cichlasoma urophthalmus (Mayan cichlid). Our cytochrome b data supported an introduction from Guatemala, while our microsatellite data suggested movement of Mayan Cichlids from the upper Yucatán Peninsula to Guatemala and introductions from Guatemala and Belize to Florida. The mismatch between mitochondrial and nuclear genomes suggests admixture of a female lineage from Guatemala, where all individuals were fixed for the mitochondrial haplotype found in the introduced population, and a more diverse but also relatively small number of individuals from Belize. The Florida cytochrome b haplotype appears to be absent from Belize (0 out of 136 fish screened from Belize had this haplotype). Genetic structure within the Florida population was minimal, indicating a panmictic population, while Mexican and Central American samples displayed more genetic subdivision. Individuals from the Upper Yucatán Peninsula and the Petén region of Guatemala were more genetically similar to each other than to fish from nearby sites and movement of Mayan Cichlids between these regions occurred thousands of generations ago, suggestive of pre-Columbian human transportation of Mayan Cichlids through this region. Mayan Cichlids present a rare example of cytonuclear disequilibrium and reduced genetic diversity in the introduced population that persists more than 30 years (at least 7–8 generations) after introduction. We suggest that hybridization occurred in ornamental fish farms in Florida and may contribute their establishment in the novel habitat. Hybridization prior to release may contribute to other successful invasions.     

Studies of three Amerindian populations using nuclear DNA polymorphisms.

Three Amerindian populations, two from Rond?nia, Brazil (Karitiana and Rond?nia Suruí), and one from Campeche, Mexico (Mayan), were typed for up to 30 nuclear restriction fragment length polymorphisms (RFLPs). Heterozygosities, both observed and expected, were compared with those of Europeans. Average heterozygosity is reduced among these Amerindians (relative to that of Europeans) by 7.0% (Mayan) to 27.1% (Karitiana). This amount of heterozygosity in the nuclear DNA is nevertheless high enough that it is unlikely that there was a severe or prolonged bottleneck.     

Population of the black howler monkey (Alouatta pigra) in a fragmented landscape in Palenque,Chiapas, Mexico

Little is known about the population characteristics of Alouatta pigra under conditions of forest fragmentation-information that is important to understanding its tolerance to habitat loss. In this work we present data on forest loss and on troop size, age, and sex composition for a population of black howler monkeys existing in the fragmented landscape surrounding the Mayan site of Palenque, Chiapas, Mexico. Two aerial photos (1:70,000) of the study area (261 km(2)) taken in 1984 and 2001 were examined to assess forest loss. Between June and December 2001 and January and March 2002 we surveyed 44 forest fragments for the presence of howler monkeys. Examination of aerial photos showed that 33% of the forest present in 1984 had disappeared by 2001, and detected an increment in the number of forest fragments present in the landscape. We discovered a total of 115 howler monkeys living in 22 of the 44 forest fragments studied, of which 107 were members of 18 troops. The rest were solitary males or small groups of males living in isolated forest fragments. Troop size ranged from two to 15 individuals (mean 5.9+3.0 ind). 31% and 15% of individuals in the troops were juveniles and infants, respectively, suggesting continued reproductive activity. Howler monkey troops in the forest fragments were on average smaller (5.9+/-3.0 ind) than troops in the nearby protected forest of the Mayan site (7.0+/-2.8 ind). The mean density of howlers in the forest fragments was 119+/-82.9 ind/km(2). The establishment of corridors is suggested as a possible conservation scenario for the fragmented howler population investigated, and as a conservation measure to connect this population with the howler population found in the protected forest of the Mayan site.     

Fear as a Way of Life: Mayan Widows in Rural Guatemala.

Fear as. Way of Life: Mayan Widows in Rural Guatemala. Linda Green. New York; Columbia University Press, 1999.213 pp.     

Going Home: Giving Voice to Memory Strategies of Young Mayan Refugees Who Returned to Guatemala as a Community

Around 1982, thousands of Guatemalan Mayas fled their villagesand lands to escape the Ríos Montt scorched-earth policyimplemented in rural areas. After more than a decade of exile,many of those refugees have returned to their homeland. Thispaper looks at the ways in which young Mayan refugees who havereturned home after extended exile in Mexico appropriate anddistance themselves from the collective project of going home. Two Mayan communities of retornados (returnees), whose paths into exile and home again differ slightly, are compared. Outsidesupport from international organizations and cohesion in therefugee camps enabled the young people of La Victoria to seedisclosure of the traumatic past from a position of strength andconfrontation as the key to social change. In La Esperanza, thepast is rebuilt by the youth around avoidance of recent history,and tradition appears as a bridge between past and future. Theway the youth of the two communities construct their homecomingdemonstrates how small changes in the migration experience mayresult in considerable differences in the choice of strategies,and raises important questions about assistance programs thatmight be developed for these populations.     

The Human Ecology of Mayan Cacao Farming in Belize

This paper describes the expansion of cacao farming among Mayan farmers in the Toledo District, Belize, during the 1980s and why the expansion took place. Land planted with cacao increased from 237 acres in 1983 to 1014 acres in 1990. The number of cacao farmers increased from 70 to 365 and beans sold to Hershey Foods Corporation increased from 1086 to almost 32,000 pounds. This paper describes the distribution of cacao farming in space and time and it uses a holistic approach to explain land-use/cover change. An ecologic model is proposed that explains the cacao expansion that involves the interaction of several forces. During the 1980s, Hershey Foods Corporation provided an unlimited market for cacao beans, agricultural loans and technical assistance were provided by international development agencies, and Mayan farmers planted cacao to gain usufruct rights to reservation and national land. During the 1990s a British organic food company became the new market for cacao beans.     

An insular record of the Mayan cichlid Mayaheros urophthalmus (Günther, 1862) (Cichliformes: Cichlidae) on an island 70 km offshore in the Honduran Caribbean

Here we report the first record of the Mayan cichlid, Mayaheros urophthalmus, occurring on an offshore island 70 km from the mainland, the most distant record from the mainland to date. Specimens were collected during several ichthyological surveys on the island of Guanaja, Honduras in November 2019. Mayan cichlids are euryhaline fishes that perform very well in fresh, brackish and marine waters. It has been hypothesized that their high tolerance to salinity and potential of using costal waterways has facilitated the colonization and expansion of M. urophthalmus.     

Serpents and Styles in Peten Postclassic Pottery

The snake is a symbol of nearly all Mayan buildings. That is astonishing, for one would have expected a people surrounded by luxuriant rampant flora to leave flower motifs behind on their stone reliefs as well. Yet loathsome snake confronts us everywhere.… How could anyone worship this repulsive creature as a god, and why could it fly as well? [VonDaniken 1974:103–104]
If symbols …are strategies for encompassing situations, then we need to give more attention to how people define situations and how they go about coming to terms with them. [Geertz 1973:141]     

The politics and semiotics of sounds--Mayan linguistics and nation-building in Guatemala

This paper discusses the development Mayan linguistics as an authoritative field of knowledge in Guatemala. In particular, it links missionary linguists' and Maya linguists' activities with shifting nationalist agendas from the 1920s in to the late 1980s. It is argued that during the historical and intellectual moment that linguistics becomes an authoritative epistemology, phonetic analysis functions as a creative index that constitutes "expert" knowledge for particular semiotic and ideological reasons tied to competing versions of the Guatemalan imagined community.     

Genetic risk factors for nonsyndromic cleft lip with or without cleft palate in a Mesoamerican population: Evidence for IRF6 and variants at 8q24 and 10q25

INTRODUCTION: Nonsyndromic cleft lip with or without cleft palate (NSCL/P) is one of the most common of all birth defects. NSCL/P has a multifactorial etiology that includes both genetic and environmental factors. The IRF6 gene and three further susceptibility loci at 8q24, 10q25, and 17q22, which were identified by a recent genome‐wide association scan (GWAS), are confirmed genetic risk factors for NSCL/P in patients of European descent. METHODS: A case‐control association study was performed to investigate whether these four risk loci contribute to NSCL/P in a Mesoamerican population using four single nucleotide polymorphisms to represent IRF6 and the three novel susceptibility loci. A total of 149 NSCL/P patients and 303 controls of Mayan origin were included. RESULTS: Single marker analysis revealed a significant association between NSCL/P and risk variants in IRF6 and the 8q24 and 10q25 loci. In contrast to previous findings, the association at the 8q24 locus was driven solely by homozygote carriers of the risk allele. This suggests that this locus might act in a recessive manner in the Mayan population. No evidence for association was found at the 17q22 locus. This may have been attributable to the limited power of the sample. CONCLUSION: These results suggest that IRF6 and the 10q25 and 8q24 loci confer a risk for the development of NSCL/P in persons of Mayan origin. Birth Defects Research (Part A), 2010. © 2010 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Community Studies in Latin America

Revolt Against the Dead: The Modernization of a Mayan Community in the High- lands of Guatemala. Douglas E. Brintnall .
Agrarian Reform and Peasant Economy in Southern Peru. David Guillet .
San Rafael: Camba Town. Ally MacLean Stearman .     

Mayan Voices for Human Rights: Displaced Catholics in Highland Chiapas

Mayan Voices for Human Rights: Displaced Catholics in Highland Chiapas. Christine Kovic. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005. 238 pp.     

Here, Our Culture Is Hard: Stories of Domestic Violence from a Mayan Community in Belize.

Here, Our Culture Is Hard: Stories of Domestic Violence from. Mayan Community in Belize. Laura J. McClusky. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2001. 310 pp.     

Heart of Heaven, Heart of Earth and Other Mayan Folktales

Heart of Heaven, Heart of Earth and Other Mayan Folktales. James D. Sexton and Ignacio Bizarro Ujpán. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1999. 152 pp.