How maya women respond to changing technology

In the mid 1970s labor-saving technology was introduced into a Maya subsistence agricultural community that markedly increased the efficiency with which maize could be ground and water collected. This increased efficiency introduces a possible savings in the time that women allocate to work, which can be reapportioned to child care, food production, domestic work, or leisure. An earlier study suggested that this labor-saving technology had a positive effect in decreasing the age at which these Maya women begin their reproductive careers. Although there is a statistical association between the age at which women bear their first child and the introduction of modern technology, this association does not demonstrate that the decline in age at first birth is causally related to the presence of technology. This paper pursues two objectives to evaluate this potential causal relationship in greater detail. First, a theory relating technological change to the initiation of a reproductive career is briefly developed in order to make qualitative predictions about behavioral changes as a response to changing technology. Second, these predictions are then tested against time allocation data recently collected in this same Maya community. We suggest that both of the conditions necessary to initiate reproduction—fecundity and access to mates—fundamentally depend on the amount of help that a girl provides to her family. Further, the help that a girl provides can be affected by technological changes. Analyses show that when modern technology is available, unmarried young women do not change the time allocated to domestic tasks and child care, and allocate more time to low-energy leisure activities. This lack of perceived benefit to working more and a potential concomitant shift towards a positive energy balance may in part explain why Maya women leave home and initiate reproduction at a younger age after labor-saving technology is introduced.     

A model of fertility motivation,desires, and expectations early in women's reproductive careers

Abstract

We propose a general model of the relationships connecting fertility motivations, desires, and expectations in which motivations are antecedent to desires, which in turn are antecedent to expectations. We describe differences in the model as it applies to women early in their reproductive careers, specifically, after marriage but before their first birth and after their first birth but before their second. We test the model with data from 311 just‐married and 318 just‐mothered women, using LISREL to estimate structural equations for both groups. The general model fits the data well. There are three primary differences in the model with respect to the two groups of married women. How soon a woman expects her next child affects how many children she expects only among the just‐married woman. The number of children expected by the woman is the only antecedent to how soon she expects her next child among the just‐mothered women. Both positive and negative maternal motivation has effects among the just‐married women, but only negative maternal motivation has effects among the just‐mothered women. These and other differences are discussed in terms of psychological and situational developments occurring early in women's reproductive careers.     

An evolutionary model of stature, age at first birth and reproductive success in Gambian women

We have built a model to predict optimal age at first birth for women in a natural fertility population. The only existing fully evolutionary model, based on Ache hunter-gatherers, argues that as women gain weight, their fertility (rate of giving birth) increases-thus age at first birth represents a trade-off between time allocated to weight gain and greater fertility when mature. We identify the life-history implications of female age at first birth in a Gambian population, using uniquely detailed longitudinal data collected from 1950 to date. We use height rather than weight as an indicator of growth as it is more strongly correlated with age at first birth. Stature does not greatly influence fertility in this population but has a significant effect on offspring mortality. We model age at first reproduction as a trade-off between the time spent growing and reduced infant mortality after maturation. Parameters derived from this population are fitted to show that the predicted optimal mean age of first birth, which maximizes reproductive success, is 18 years, very close to that observed. The reaction norm associated with variation in growth rate during childhood also satisfactorily predicts the variation in age at first birth.     

A model of fertility motivation, desires, and expectations early in women's reproductive careers

We propose a general model of the relationships connecting fertility motivations, desires, and expectations in which motivations are antecedent to desires, which in turn are antecedent to expectations. We describe differences in the model as it applies to women early in their reproductive careers, specifically, after marriage but before their 1st birth and after their 1st birth but before their 2nd. We test the model with data from 311 just-married and 318 just-mothered US women enrolled in a prospective psychology of reproduction study, using LISREL (analysis of linear structural relationships by the method of maximum likelihood) software to estimate structural equations for both groups. The general model fits the data well. There are 3 primary differences in the model with respect to the 2 groups of married women. How soon a woman expects her next child affects how many children she expects only among the just-married woman. The number of children expected by the woman is the only antecedent to how soon she expects her next child among the just-mothered women. Both positive and negative maternal motivation has effects among the just-married women, but only negative maternal motivation has effects among the just-mothered women. These and other differences are discussed in terms of psychological and situational developments occurring early in women's reproductive careers.     

Reproductive Responses to Economic Uncertainty

In the face of economic and political changes following the end of the Soviet Union, total fertility rates fell significantly across the post-Soviet world. In this study we examine the dramatic fertility transition in one community in which the total fertility rate fell from approximately five children per woman before 1993 to just over one child per woman a decade later. We apply hypotheses derived from evolutionary ecology and demography to the question of fertility transition in the post-Soviet period, focusing on an indigenous community (Ust’-Avam) in the Taimyr Region, northern Russia. We employ a mixed parametric accelerated failure-time model that allows comparison of age at first birth, interbirth interval, and reproductive postponement or cessation prior to and following 1993. We find that short-term reproductive delay alone does not explain the dramatic drop in fertility in Ust’-Avam. Age at first birth remains constant. Interbirth intervals increase moderately. The estimated fraction of women who have ceased or indefinitely postponed reproducing doubles (for parities 2 through 4) or triples (for nulliparous women). We caution against assuming that environmental harshness necessarily leads to earlier and more rapid reproduction. An evolutionary theory of fertility responses to acute environmental shocks remains relatively undeveloped. In such contexts it is possible that selection favors a conservative reproductive strategy while more information is learned about the new environment. When investigating fertility responses to environmental stressors we suggest researchers examine postponement and stopping behavior in addition to changes in age at first birth and interbirth interval.     

Birth spacing in Pakistan

Life table analysis was applied to data from the 1975 Pakistan Fertility Survey to identify child spacing differentials between population subgroups. Women in urban areas had shorter birth intervals than their rural counterparts from parities 1-6; only after parity 7 was this differential reversed. Similarly, women with some education had shorter birth intervals at the earlier parities than uneducated women. While overall family size is relatively homogeneous in Pakistan, women of more modern backgrounds seem to space their children more closely than traditional women. Age at marriage appears to play an important role not only in determining the length of the 1st interval, but also that of subsequent intervals. An unexpected finding was that ever users of contraception had distinctly more rapid spacing of their births than never users. The median interval to 1st birth was shortest in North West Frontier Province, but similar in Punjab and Sind. Multiple classification analysis revealed that some differentials in child spacing by education, residence, and province persisted even after other variables were controlled. Cohort of mother had an independent effect, with younger cohorts having shorter birth intervals. However, the variable that had the strongest effect on length of interval (aside from the 1st interval) was breastfeeding duration. It is likely that increasing urbanization and improved levels of education among women will lead to high levels of marital fertility associated with shorter birth intervals. Even though these trends tend to increase the age at marriage, they are associated with shorter durations of breastfeeding. In the longer term, greater use of contraception among women in the modern sector may partially counteract the fertility increasing effect of reduced birth intervals.     

The delineation of fertility strategies in a tribal population of India: the Koyas of Koraput District,Orissa

Demographic data collected for a tribal population of India, the Koyas of Koraput District, Orissa, were examined in light of 2 models of reproductive behavior associated with the economic value of children: the replacement effect and son survivorship motivation. Both models are united in the concept that infant/child mortality affects subsequent fertility. The database consists of retrospective fertility histories of Koya women who had completed their reproductive period. The total number was 260, with the total offspring numbering 1407. 2 distinct cohorts of women were formed for the purpose of analysis, separated only by the criterion of offspring survival: women who had experienced infant child mortality (129 women with 739 children); and women who completed their reproductive period without suffering offspring loss of this nature (132 women with 668 children). The cohort without child loss had a mean parity of 5.10, lower than the average parity of 5.73 recorded for the cohort whose reproductive histories included at least 1 infant/child death. Age specific marital fertility and birth interval analyses indicated that this differential was because of biological, not behavioral, factors. The age pattern of fertility of females suffering offspring mortality failed to demonstrate a high rate of childbearing in the later age intervals of the reproductive period, a characteristic pattern of couples attempting to "replace" lost offspring. Birth interval analysis pointed to biological "interval effect," whereby infant/child mortality caused a cessation of lactation and hence a shortening of postpartum amenorrhea. Computer simulation further indicated that the higher fertility differential of the cohort experiencing offspring loss still did not result in high son survivorship values. The findings agree with earlier studies indicating that for predemographic transitional populations, economically motivated fertility strategies are ineffectual.     

Reproductive aging in captive and wild common chimpanzees: factors influencing the rate of follicular depletion

We examine and discuss evidence of contrasting differences in fertility patterns between captive and wild female chimpanzees, Pan troglodytes, as they age; in the wild females reproduce in their 40s, but captive studies suggest that menopause occurs around that time. Thus, despite the increased longevity generally observed in captive populations reproductive life span is shortened. We outline a hypothesis to explain the apparent differential pace of reproductive decline observed between wild and captive populations. The breeding schedules of captive primates may contribute to accelerated reproductive senescence because continuous cycling in captive animals results in early depletion of the ovarian stock and premature senescence. Available evidence supports the hypothesis that women with patterns of high oocyte loss experience earlier menopause. Chimpanzees in captivity live longer, and thus, similar to humans, they may experience follicular depletion that precedes death by many years. In captivity, chimpanzees typically have an early age at menarche and first birth, shorter interbirth intervals associated with short lactational periods as young mature faster, and nursery rearing, which allows mothers to begin cycling earlier. Variables typical of wild chimpanzee populations, including late age at menarche and first birth, long interbirth intervals associated with prolonged lactational periods, and a long period of female infertility after immigration, spare ovulations and may be responsible for the later age at reproductive termination. Finally, we describe and discuss the timing of specific reproductive landmarks that occur as female chimpanzees age, distinguishing between functional menopause (age at last birth) and operational menopause (end of cycling). Am. J. Primatol. 71:271–282, 2009. © 2008 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Kin influences on fertility in Thailand: Effects and mechanisms

It has been suggested that human mothers are cooperative breeders, as they need help from others to successfully raise offspring. Studies working under this framework have found correlations between the presence of kin and both child survival and female fertility rates. This study seeks to understand the proximate mechanisms by which kin influence fertility using data from the 1987 Thailand Demographic and Health Survey (DHS), a nationally representative sample of 6775 women. Kin influence is measured by the length of time couples live with the husband's or wife's parents after marriage. Event history analysis, multilevel modeling and structural equation modeling are used to investigate both fertility outcomes and potential pathways through which postnuptial residence may influence fertility outcomes, including employment status, maternal and child outcomes, contraceptive use, breastfeeding duration, and age at marriage. We show that living virilocally (with husband's kin after marriage) increases total fertility by shortening time from marriage to first birth, and increasing the likelihood of progression to each subsequent birth. These effects are mediated through correlations between virilocal residence and earlier age at marriage as well as delayed initiation of contraceptive use. We find no influence of husband's kin on maternal or child outcomes. Living uxorilocally (with wife's kin after marriage) also reduces age at marriage, shortens time from marriage to first birth and (marginally) improves child survivorship, but has no effect on other child and maternal outcomes or progression to subsequent births and results in a similar number of living children as women living neolocally.     

Child spacing and two child policy in practice in rural Vietnam: cross sectional survey.

OBJECTIVE: To explore the reproductive pattern of women in rural Vietnam in relation to the existing family planning policies and laws. DESIGN: Cross sectional survey with question-naires on reproductive history. SETTING: Tien Hai, a district in Red River Delta area, where the population density is one of the highest in Vietnam. SUBJECTS: 1132 women who had at least one child under 5 years of age in April 1992. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Birth spacing and probability of having a third child. RESULTS: The mean age at first birth was 22.2 years. The average spacing between the first and the second child was 2.6 years. Mothers with a lower educational level, farmers, and women belonging to the Catholic religion had shorter spacing between the first and second child and also a higher probability of having a third child. In addition, women who had no sons or who had lost a previous child were more likely to have a third child. CONCLUSION: Most families do not adhere to the official family planning policy, which was introduced in 1988, stipulating that each couple should have a maximum of two children with 3-5 years'' spacing in between. More consideration should be given to family planning needs and perceptions of the population, supporting the woman to be in control of her fertility. This may imply improved contraceptive services and better consideration of sex issues and cultural differences as well as improved social support for elderly people.     

Reproduction in high altitude Aymara: physiological stress and fertility planning?

Reproductive characteristics at high altitude are described based on the reproductive histories of 720 Aymara women, collected in 1998 and 1999 in a group of twelve peasant communities at a mean altitude of 4000 m in the Bolivian Altiplano. The reproductive pattern is shaped by a late onset of childbearing, associated with a rather short reproductive span and large birth intervals. Environmental conditions could explain the particularly late age at menarche of rural girls compared with their urban counterparts, whereas the age at first birth is likely to be under cultural control. The short reproductive span appears to result from a large mean interval between last birth and menopause, which is essentially determined by cultural decisions. The birth intervals, which are longer than in many traditional societies, could be the result of a slower restoration of postpartum fecundability induced by the hard way of life inherent in the Altiplano (including poor sanitary and nutritional conditions and high workload), perhaps aggravated by hypoxia. However, a secular trend in fertility is perceptible, towards earlier menarche, earlier age at first birth, increasing reproductive span and a slight increase in live births and surviving offspring, which is probably the result of a slow improvement in living conditions. The existence of birth control on the one hand, and a total fertility rate averaging six live births among the couples who do not practise contraception on the other, are other arguments against the hypothesis of a low natural fecundity in these Aymara groups.     

Social-demographic influence on first birth interval in China, 1980-1992

This study examines the delay between first marriage and first live birth in China among a sample of women who married between 1980 and 1992. Most couples in China only use contraception after the first child is born. Most sample women had their first child within 2 years of marriage. However, there are significant rural-urban differences in the first birth interval, indicating that there was most probably deliberate fertility regulation after marriage among many urban couples. Survival analysis shows that place of residence, level of education, age at first marriage and marriage cohort affect the first birth interval.     

Female reproductive success in captive Ammotragus lervia (Bovidae, Artiodactyla). Study of its components and effects of hierarchy and inbreeding

Four components of female reproductive success in captive Saharan arrui (Barbary sheep), Ammotragus lervia sahariensis (Rothschild, 1913), have been analysed: longevity, fecundity, offspring one-month survival rate and the age at first birth. Longevity accounts for 69.9% of the variance of reproductive success, fecundity for 54.2%, offspring one-month survival rate for 29.8%, and the age at first birth for 10.4%. A detailed study of these components leads to the following conclusions: (a) longevity is higher in those individuals in better physical condition; (b) fecundity is related to age and social rank; (c) heavier offspring at birth have a higher probability of surviving during their first month of life; and (d) the age at first birth is delayed by high levels of population density, inbreeding coefficients, and birth weights. On the other hand, highranking females are characterized by shorter inter-birth intervals and give birth to a higher proportion of twins.     

Trends in childlessness in the United States, 1910–1975

Abstract

This paper examines trends in childlessness for ever‐married women in the United States. Data assembled from assorted census materials permit cohort and period investigations for a number of time periods, from 1910 to 1975, for various color and ethnic groups. Whether examined at the period or cohort level, the incidences in percentage rates of childlessness have varied irregularly over time. We focus particularly on the younger cohorts of white women (those beginning fecundity after 1965); they show higher rates of childlessness at each age than any of the older cohorts at similar ages in the reproductive cycle. We suggest that a major portion of the increasing rates of these younger cohorts may be attributed to increases in voluntary childlessness, which in turn may be linked to broader changes in the fabric of society regarding fertility control, contraceptive technology, female work preferences and patterns, and sexual and family norms.     

The impact of labor-saving technology on first birth intervals in rural Ethiopia

Across the developing world labor-saving technologies introduce considerable savings in the time and energy that women allocate to work. Hormonal studies on natural fertility populations indicate that such a reduction in energetic expenditure (rather than improved nutritional status alone) can lead to increased ovarian function. Other qualitative studies have highlighted a link between labor-saving technology and behavioral changes affecting subsequent age at marriage, which may affect fertility. This biodemographic study was designed to investigate whether these physiological and behavioral changes affect fertility at a population level by focusing on a recent water development scheme in Southern Ethiopia. The demographic consequences of a reduction in women's workload following the installation of water points, specifically the variation in length of first birth interval (time lapsed between marriage and first birth), are investigated. First birth interval length is closely associated with lifetime fertility in populations that do not practice contraception, longer intervals being associated with lower fertility. Using life tables and multivariate hazard modeling techniques a number of significant predictors of first birth interval length are identified. Covariates such as age at marriage, season of marriage, village ecology, and access to improved water supply have significant effects on variation in first birth intervals. When entered into models as a time-varying covariate, access to a water tap stand is associated with an immediate reduction in length of first birth intervals.     

Determinants of birth interval in a rural Mediterranean population (La Alpujarra, Spain)

The fertility pattern, in terms of birth intervals, in a rural population not practicing contraception belonging to La Alta Alpujarra Oriental (southeast Spain) is analyzed. During the first half of the 20th century, this population experienced a considerable degree of geographical and cultural isolation. Because of this population's high variability in fertility and therefore in birth intervals, the analysis was limited to a homogenous subsample of 154 families, each with at least five pregnancies. This limitation allowed us to analyze, among and within families, effects of a set of variables on the interbirth pattern, and to avoid possible problems of pseudoreplication. Information on birth date of the mother, age at marriage, children's birth date and death date, birth order, and frequency of miscarriages was collected. Our results indicate that interbirth intervals depend on an exponential effect of maternal age, especially significant after the age of 35. This effect is probably related to the biological degenerative processes of female fertility with age. A linear increase of birth intervals with birth order within families was found as well as a reduction of intervals among families experiencing an infant death. Our sample size was insufficient to detect a possible replacement behavior in the case of infant death. High natality and mortality rates, a secular decrease of natality rates, a log-normal birth interval, and family-size distributions suggest that La Alpujarra has been a natural fertility population following a demographic transition process.     

Changing household composition,labor patterns,and fertility in a highland New Guinea population

The European demographic transition of the nineteenth century is often proposed as a model for demographic change in twentieth century developing nations, and economic development is seen as leading to an inevitable reduction in total fertility in these nations. This paper examines data from the Gainj of Papua New Guinea, a natural fertility population with very low reproductive output, and suggests that the effects of development on fertility change are much more complex than a simple demographic transition model would suggest. Looking at two variables known to contribute significantly to low total fertility among the Gainj, late age at first birth for women and long interbirth intervals, the paper suggests that households, in their recruitment and allocation of labor, may exert a mediating influence in the relationship between economic development and fertility.     

Demographic and endocrinological aspects of low natural fertility in Highland New Guinea

The Gainj of highland Papua New Guinea do not use contraception but have a total fertility rate of only 4.3 live births/woman, 1 of the lowest ever recorded in a natural fertility setting. Reproductive and marital histories were obtained from 305 females and 206 males aged 10+. Each subject was asked about: number of live born offspring ever produced; number of stillbirths ever produced; number and names of offspring currently being nursed; number of current and past spouses; and the cause of dissolution of all past marriages. Blood samples were drawn from 172 volunteer female subjects aged 10-60 years and ovarian function was classified by concentration of progesterone. From an analysis of these cross-sectional demographic and endocrinological data, the causes of low reproductive output have been identified in women of this population as: late menarche and marriage, a long interval between marriage and 1st birth, a high probability of widowhood at later reproductive ages, low effective fecundability and prolonged lactational amenorrhea. These are combined with near-universal marriage, and a low prevalence of primary sterility similar to that found in other populations. Of all the factors limiting fertility, by far the most important are those involved in birth spacing, especially lactational amenorrhea. The effects of widowhood on Gainj fertility are negligible. Factors acting to lower fertility fall into 2 categories: those that determine the age of onset of reproduction and those that act to space births. Given the observed pattern of birth spacing, however, the delay in commencement of reproduction represents on average no more than 1 or 2 live births averted/woman. In contrast, were age at 1st reproduction held constant while reducing birth intervals to a mean of 2.0-2.5 years, total fertility would increase to about 7 or 8. Future research on natural fertility should focus on specific behavioral and physiological mechanisms governing the reproductive process.     

Early sexual maturity among Pumé foragers of Venezuela: fitness implications of teen motherhood

Because humans have slow life histories, discussions of the optimal age at first birth have stressed the benefits of delayed reproduction. However, given the diversity of ecological, fertility, and mortality environments in which humans live, reproductive maturity is expected to be highly variable. This article uses reproductive histories to examine a pattern of early menarche and first birth among the Pume, a group of South American foragers. Age at menarche and first birth are constructed using both retrospective and cross‐sectional data for females over the age of 10 (n = 83). The objectives are first to define these patterns and then discuss their reproductive consequences. On average, Pume girls reach menarche at age 12.9, and give birth to their first child at age 15.3–15.5 (retrospective and cross‐sectional data, respectively). This populational average falls several years prior to what often is considered the human norm. Two questions are then considered. What are the infant mortality costs across a mother's reproductive career? How does surviving fertility vary with age at first birth? Results indicate that the youngest of first‐time mothers (<14) are four times more likely to loose their firstborns than older first‐time mothers (≥17). Given parity‐specific mortality rates, the optimal strategy to minimize infant mortality and maximize reproductive span is to initiate childbearing in the midteens. Women gain no additional advantage in surviving fertility by delaying childbearing until their late teens. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2008. © 2008 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

The pattern of reproductive life in a Berber population of morocco

Abstract

Reproductive patterns were studied from data collected in 1,450 Berber households in the province of Marrakesh, Morocco in 1984. Women aged 45–49 years had a mean of 8.9 pregnancies to achieve 5.7 living children. Social influences on fertility rates show the importance of tradition, particularly through time‐dependent variables such as age at marriage, waiting time to first birth, interbirth intervals, and duration of breastfeeding. Birth control does not appear to affect the tempo of fertility; rather, its main use is to bring the reproductive period to a close. The comparison of two subsamples of women separated by a 25‐year interval indicates an actual acceleration of the tempo of fertility by the reduction of waiting time to first birth and of interbirth intervals. The supposed ongoing process of demographic transition is not clearly observed in this population.