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Manynooch Faming 《The Australian journal of anthropology》2019,30(2):212-227
Idealistically speaking, schools are engines for upward social mobility. Education for ethnic minorities in Laos was set up to achieve nationalist, political, economic and sociocultural goals of ‘equity’ and ‘equality’. It was hoped that education would shift ethnic minorities from a lifestyle based on superstitious beliefs to a modern one, so that they could participate and enjoy ‘equality’ through educational equity. The purpose of this paper is to provide a case study of how equality as a promise in education has impacted on students’ upward mobility, particularly the political discourse of the ‘big man’. This paper explores social mobility provided by national education for ethnic minorities through boarding schooling. It finds that such education has yet to reposition ethnic minorities into the ethnic Lao sociocultural hierarchy. As a result, regardless of their educational success, students are still ranked as ‘ethnic minorities’ and as being ‘poor’ in the eyes of urban students, middle class and rich students, and the ethnic Lao elite. 相似文献
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M. V. Vinarski 《Biology Bulletin》2016,43(9):1003-1017
The reality of ecological and local races was investigated in two widespread Palearctic species of lymnaeid snails (Lymnaea stagnalis and Radix auricularia). Several methods of statistical analysis were used, including two-way ANOVA, cluster analysis, and discriminant analysis for six plastic shell characters. It was shown that none of the methods used could convincingly demonstrate that ecological and local races were present in the studied species. Even in cases when statistically significant differences among the populations in the morphology of shells were revealed, these differences were very small and did not correspond to the meaning that was put into the concept of “race” by malacologists in the past. Perhaps, the formation of such races in pond snails is possible only in case of populations being formed in suboptimal conditions, for example, in thermal springs or at large depths. This being the case, the distinguishing of races requires using other shell characters, both quantitative and qualitative ones. 相似文献
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JOHN S. HALLER JR. 《American anthropologist》1971,73(3):710-724
While nineteenth century American ethnologists relied on the word "evolution" more than the word "progress" to define their theory of culture, their theory of evolution nonetheless implied a teleological projection that was no more than a paeon for Anglo-Saxon race achievement. Believing that failures in earlier stages of evolution had limited brain size and quality of the "inferior races," they suggested that, for all practical purposes, the Caucasian was the lone man in evolution. While the Caucasian maintained an active, progressive role in modifying the environment, the lower races broke into the modern world as mere "survivals" from the past, mentally and physiologically unable to shoulder the burdens of complex civilization. Ethnology became a means through which both scientists and social scientists sought to estimate the relative value of the races, delineate social categories, and help justify the dynamics of race legislation. 相似文献
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John W. Cole 《Dialectical Anthropology》1985,9(1-4):233-256
Conclusions Both party and state in each of the countries of Eastern Europe has an ideological commitment to socialism. Each is dedicated to the construction of socialist society as a means of improving the human condition. This demands improvement of the material conditions of human existence and advancement of social and personal freedom. In the context of Eastern Europe in the second half of the twentieth century this has been thought to require special attention to development of the productive forces and to the protection of the socialist states from the threat of capitalism. (In 1985 this particular threat largely comes from outside.) Within Eastern Europe there are different strategies for the construction of socialism. The Yugoslav commitment to self-governing socialism combined with participation in European capitalism and Albanian Maoist inspired autarchy mark the limits of these differences, but within the CMEA countries there are striking differences as well.Among the people of Eastern European countries there is widespread commitment to the ideals of socialism. The experiences of their presocialist past, coupled with forty years of socialization to socialist norms, have left them committed to egalitarian economic, political and social relations and to socialism as the process to pursue these goals. However, in 1985, improvements over the conditions of the past are largely taken for granted. People are bored, even irritated, by repeated celebration of how far their particular country has come since 1938 or 1944. For those living under actually existing socialism today the significant referents are to what is possible under mature socialism and to how people are living under capitalism in Western Europe and North America.Critical scholarship, as it has developed in Eastern Europe, is dedicated to a critique of actually existing socialism, to open discussion of what is possible, of the reasons for the difference between the two, and the means necessary to effect change. Central to the critical understanding of Eastern Europe is the role played by the development and reproduction of social stratification. This is defined by the formation of a social class, or strata, of managers and technocrats — the New Class. Having established a bureaucratic structure to build socialism in the name of all working people, this class has now appropriated the structure in pursuit of its own interests.The fundamental contradictions of actually existing socialism grow out of the commitment of the people to socialism and the manipulation of state and party to promote the interests of the New Class. The result has been an economistic interpretation of socialism. While the promotion of economic development was once subordinated to the twin goals of the defense of socialism and the elimination of want and privation, it has now become an end in itself, a means to the consolidation and reproduction of class privilege. The New Class claims its privilege and power as just rewards for its leadership in building socialism, but to the extent that the gap grows between the wealth and power of the New Class and other segments of the population, and to the extent that individuals use their bureaucratic positions for personal gain, discontent and demands for reform mount among the people.The New Class has addressed discontent and demands for reform largely by defending its class interests. While discouraging or even repressing critical inquiry and political efforts at reform, the New Class also allocates material rewards and personal freedoms to segments of the population which become troublesome, or which it fears might become troublesome. Critical analysis which reveals the class nature of actually existing socialism is countered with an ideology of a single class working in unison, where differences in reward and power are only temporary and necessary to construct socialism. Criticism and political organizing outside of party or state channels are defined as chauvinistic, as anti-party and state and detrimental to the construction of socialism.These internal struggles have, of course, taken place in an international context. Each movement and attempt at reform has been observed and analyzed in neighboring socialist countries so that the experience of each carries lessons for all. The Soviet Union, in opposing these movements, has demonstrated its own unwillingness to accept prevailing contradictions and continues to confuse between the agenda of the Soviet state and the nature of socialism. Meanwhile, the United States government, with the often ambivalent agreement of its West European allies, interprets any conflict in Eastern Europe as an expression of yearnings for the freedom of democratic capitalism.In spite of state and party opposition, demands for reform have continually emerged in Eastern Europe. While the struggle has been pandemic, its most visible and dramatic expressions have been in East Germany in 1953, in Hungary and Poland in 1956, in Czechoslovakia in 1968 and in Poland in 1980–81. The scholarship which has accompanied these struggles is of course dominated by critical East European intellectuals. Western scholars, including anthropologists, have also entered into this socialist discourse. In particular anthropologists have focused on the details of social relationships and ritual. They have examined the workings of the bureaucracy, the dynamics of familial relations and social networks, and the interrelationships between these. Nevertheless, no matter how distinctive and penetrating the analyses of anthropologists and other critical Western scholars, the burden of developing understanding will remain with the people who are engaged in the contradictions of life under actually existing socialism.The principal significance of anthropological understanding of socialism in Eastern Europe will be in the United States itself. Since the origins of institutional anthropology in the nineteenth century, critical anthropologists have promised to use their insight into social and cultural practice in other parts of the world as the basis for a critique of their own society and culture. Anthropologists can honor this promise by using their understanding of socialist practice to contribute to the dynamic and transformative examination of capitalism.Most relevantly, in this axial moment when all of human life and culture is threatened, anthropologists must offer their knowledge and experience as the basis for the demystification of Cold War perspectives on Eastern Europe, and the policies attendant upon it.John W. Cole is at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. 相似文献
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V V Sukhodolets 《Genetika》1986,22(2):181-193
To evaluate properly a role of natural selection, its effect should be considered in relation to different phases of the evolutionary cycle postulated earlier by the author. At the first stage of the cycle natural selection is directed towards organism's persistence to detrimental external factors and leads to an increased fitness (that is viability and fecundity) in every generation. At the next stage of the cycle natural selection occurs under conditions of intraspecific competition and is directed towards a more efficient utilization of food resources. At this stage natural selection leads to formation and divergence of intraspecific races and is carried out by "single" selection actions occurring now and then and consisting of the survival of rare mutants with an altered ecological potential. Such a strict selection for certain mutants occurs again during the periods of acute competition for food, the selected mutants being characterized by a decrease of fitness, the latter to have been restored by means of the "ordinary" selection within the intervals between crises. According to the model suggested, homozygotes for "detrimental" recessive alleles could be selected in diploids, as the mutants mentioned with altered ecological potential. At the end of the cycle, there is a kind of selection for hybrids in which ecological potential of specialized intraspecific races is combined. The genetic drift is considered as an inevitable consequence of the postulated mechanism of natural selection. 相似文献
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John S. Haller JR. 《American anthropologist》1970,72(6):1319-1329
The species problem and its implications in the origin of man controversy had grown in importance in prewar America owing largely to the question of slavery. Implicit in the problem was the position of the so-called inferior races in society. The monogenists, despite their emphasis on environmentalism, were no more favorable to the Negro, except in their remote theoretical stance. The Civil War—not Darwin—brought the controversy to an end in America, but it continued to rage in Europe. The apparent synthesis of the schools during the 1870s did not disturb the stereotyped ideas of racial inferiority. The "inferior races" remained the basis of evolutionary discussion, leaving them as remote outcasts of the evolutionary struggle. 相似文献
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Satnam Virdee 《Ethnic and racial studies》2013,36(4):605-606
Abstract This article focuses on two important questions. First, how can we explain changes in the employment position of England's racialized minority groups over the past three decades? And second, why have these changes taken place at a different pace for different minority groups? It is argued that much of the increase in Asian self-employment represents working-class accommodation to the inferior conditions of employment available under neo-liberal modernity rather than evidence of upward social mobility as current orthodoxy claims. It is also contended that the growing representation of minorities in junior non-manual work was driven by anti-racist activism around a racialized ‘black’ identity and confirms the continuing significance of ‘race’ in the English labour market. By unravelling the complex relationship between the geographical distribution of different minority groups, their educational qualifications, anti-racist activism, and racism, the study establishes why such employment change has taken place at a different pace for different minority groups. 相似文献
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Paul T. Cohen 《The Australian journal of anthropology》2019,30(2):181-194
In this article I reflect on Grant Evans’ landmark and influential The Politics of Ritual and Remembrance: Laos since 1975, the way in which this book relates to the transformation from socialism to post‐socialism in the Lao People's Democratic Republic (LPDR), to the crisis of legitimacy of the communist regime, and to issues of social memory, Buddhism, nationalism, iconography, and ethnic minorities. I also consider how other scholars have engaged with The Politics of Ritual and Remembrance both critically and supportively since the publication of the monograph in 1998 . I include in my analysis some observations on Evans’ quite radical change in political views over his career as a student, journalist and academic, culminating in his critique of socialism in general and the LPDR in particular and his controversial sympathy for the Lao monarchy. 相似文献
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《Ethnic and racial studies》2012,35(8):1427-1446
Abstract The national census is often seen as a site of struggle for minorities seeking recognition and equality. Much less is known about the conditions under which ethnic majorities are galvanized to stake identity claims in the census. This article examines recent trends in New Zealand where an increasing number of people from the dominant New Zealand European group are redefining themselves as ethnic New Zealanders. Drawing from the literature on ethnic boundaries, we theorize the factors underlying the surge in New Zealander identification, and present census data to demonstrate its selective appeal. We also review patterns of national naming in North America and Australia to show that the New Zealander phenomenon reflects a broader shift by settler state majorities to reimagine their identities. The implications for ethnic counting in other contexts are briefly considered. 相似文献
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Uzma Jamil 《Ethnic and racial studies》2013,36(13):2322-2339
Canada is often characterized as a multicultural country with two official languages associated with two official population groups: the national majority of white, anglophone Canadians and the national minority of white, francophone Quebecers. Racialized minorities, including immigrants, are situated as the third node in the construction of Canada as a multicultural society. While there is often discussion of the minority/ majority relationship between the national majority and the national minority, or the national majority and racialized minorities, there is much less attention given to the relationship between Quebec and racialized minorities in the province. This paper examines the construction of difference in this relationship through the experiences of Pakistani Muslims living in Montreal. 相似文献
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京族药用红树林民族植物学知识及现状 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
京族是我国唯一的海洋民族,在长期与红树林为伴的生存环境中,积累了丰富的利用红树林植物的民族植物学知识。然而,这些知识至今仍不为外界所知。为掌握京族药用红树林民族植物学知识和现状,该研究采用民族植物学和植物分类学方法,调查京族药用红树林知识中的红树林植物种类,记录其具体药用用途,并分析其生存现状及其中包含的可持续利用红树林植物资源经验。结果表明:共记录到京族药用红树林植物15种隶属于10科,具体药用用途共49种。其中,20种已有报道,29种未见报道;通过京族对红树林药用知识认知程度和依赖程度的调查还表明,京族历史上依赖本民族草医的情形已经基本消失,对红树林医药的依赖性和需求性也在消失。最后,剖析了京族在药用红树林植物选择与采集中的可持续利用经验。该研究结果不仅补充和拓宽了红树林民间药物的利用知识,而且为红树植物资源的管理与可持续利用提供了新视角。 相似文献
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Ecological stability of an organism, which determines the possibility of its existence under changing environmental conditions, can be estimated as the probability of the participation of each viable offspring in reproduction. In developing species, the periodic rises and falls in the population size (Chetverikov's waves of life) can lead to changes in ecological stability, which is of macroevolutionary importance. Under conditions of isolation such changes generally result in specialization of intraspecific races but they could then lead to an increase in ecological stability of hybrid forms. Ecological stability of prosperous species increases during macroevolution due to combinative recombination between specialized intraspecific races or closely related species. 相似文献
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Sukhodelets VV 《Genetika》2002,38(7):881-893
Ecological stability of an organism, which determines the possibility of its existence under changing environmental conditions, can be estimated as the probability of the participation of each viable offspring in reproduction. In developing species, the periodic rises and falls in the population size (Chetverikov's "waves of life") can lead to changes in ecological stability, which is of macroevolutionary importance. Under conditions of isolation such changes generally result in specialization of intraspecific races but they could then lead to an increase in ecological stability of hybrid forms. Ecological stability of prosperous species increases during macroevolution due to combinative recombination between specialized intraspecific races or closely related species. 相似文献
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Jesse Buck 《Ethnic and racial studies》2017,40(15):2806-2822
There is an assumption that nationalist movements which are constituted by an ethnic majority are hostile towards all minorities, so how does one account for such a movement’s affection for one minority and hostility for another? In this paper I explore this question using the case study of a Hindu nationalist movement in India called Hindutva which simultaneously expresses hostility towards Muslims and affection for another minority known as the Parsis. I argue in societies that imagine themselves as plural there is a type of nationalist thought premised upon the existence of both exemplary and threatening minorities. An exemplary minority is imagined as loyal and acculturating, illustrating both how a minority should relate to the majority and why other minorities are threatening. While an historical argument enables the distinction between the majority and minorities, a plural hierarchy of minorities is enabled by mythical stories of coexistence and conflict. 相似文献
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Brüne M 《Perspectives in biology and medicine》2001,44(3):426-433
Evolutionary theory has had a major impact on psychiatry since the middle of the 19th century. During the Nazi regime psychiatry supported compulsory sterilization and euthanasia of physically and mentally ill and subsequently the killing of "inferior" races by borrowing scientifically invalid conclusions from evolutionary biology. The present paper deals with some of the flaws and shortcomings of the scientific paradigms of evolutionary theory adopted by psychiatry during the Nazi regime and discusses possible implications for modern research in evolutionary psychology and psychiatry. 相似文献
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The belief that ethnic majorities dominate ethnic minorities informs research on intergroup processes. This belief can lead to the social heuristic that the ethnic majority sets an upper limit that minority groups cannot surpass, but this possibility has not received much attention. In three studies of perceived income, we examined how this heuristic, which we term the White ceiling heuristic leads people to inaccurately estimate the income of a minority group that surpasses the majority. We found that Asian Americans, whose median income has surpassed White median income for nearly three decades, are still perceived as making less than Whites, with the least accurate estimations being made by people who strongly believe that Whites are privileged. In contrast, income estimates for other minorities were fairly accurate. Thus, perceptions of minorities are shaped both by stereotype content and a heuristic. 相似文献