Early sexual maturity among Pumé foragers of Venezuela: fitness implications of teen motherhood

Because humans have slow life histories, discussions of the optimal age at first birth have stressed the benefits of delayed reproduction. However, given the diversity of ecological, fertility, and mortality environments in which humans live, reproductive maturity is expected to be highly variable. This article uses reproductive histories to examine a pattern of early menarche and first birth among the Pume, a group of South American foragers. Age at menarche and first birth are constructed using both retrospective and cross‐sectional data for females over the age of 10 (n = 83). The objectives are first to define these patterns and then discuss their reproductive consequences. On average, Pume girls reach menarche at age 12.9, and give birth to their first child at age 15.3–15.5 (retrospective and cross‐sectional data, respectively). This populational average falls several years prior to what often is considered the human norm. Two questions are then considered. What are the infant mortality costs across a mother's reproductive career? How does surviving fertility vary with age at first birth? Results indicate that the youngest of first‐time mothers (<14) are four times more likely to loose their firstborns than older first‐time mothers (≥17). Given parity‐specific mortality rates, the optimal strategy to minimize infant mortality and maximize reproductive span is to initiate childbearing in the midteens. Women gain no additional advantage in surviving fertility by delaying childbearing until their late teens. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2008. © 2008 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

The Northwest Coast

Over the past several decades, archeological research on the Northwest Coast of North America has focused on the evolution of the coast's well‐known native societies. This research has two broad goals: building local and regional culture histories spanning the Holocene and answering processual questions about the evolution and persistence of cultural complexity among hunter‐gatherers. Cultural complexity includes relatively dense populations, partial to full sedentism, corporate groups, some degree of occupational specialization, permanent social inequality, and control of property. 1 - 3 Recently archeologists have begun to investigate whether the coast was a possible route for the peopling of North America. Presently, the earliest known sites on the coast date to about 9,000 BC, although it is likely that the initial occupation was earlier. Some aspects of cultural complexity had developed on the coast by 2,500 BC, with permanent inequality present by 900 BC, if not earlier. Central to this development were large corporate households, intensive food production and storage, and technological innovations including water‐tight wooden containers and large‐capacity boats. Patterns of complexity on the coast continued to change through the arrival of Europeans in the mid‐1700s.     

Short and chubby or long and slim? Food intake,growth and body condition in free‐ranging pythons

Abstract An animal's sex and body size can influence not only its rate of food consumption, but also the way in which it allocates the resultant energy among the competing demands of maintenance, growth, reproduction and storage. A 13‐year mark–recapture study of pythons (Liasis fuscus) in tropical Australia provides extensive data on these topics. Rates of food intake and growth were highest in small pythons, and decreased more rapidly with body size in males than in females. Allocation to storage (as measured by the snake's mass relative to its body length) showed a more complex pattern. Body condition was high at hatching, but dropped rapidly as energy was allocated to growth rather than storage. Condition then increased through juvenile life, was at a maximum close to maturation, and was higher in females than in conspecific males. Body condition thereafter decreased with increasing body length. These allocation ‘decisions’ reflect the relative advantages of growth versus energy storage at different body sizes. Hatchling snakes grow rapidly (and hence become thin) because greater body size enables the snake to ingest larger prey items. Adult females amass larger energy reserves than males, because they need reserves to produce the clutch. Large snakes become thinner because their feeding rates are low, and they cannot compensate with increased prey size because large‐bodied mammalian prey are rare in our study area.     

Inclusive fitness and differential productivity across the life course determine intergenerational transfers in a small-scale human society

Transfers of resources between generations are an essential element in current models of human life-history evolution accounting for prolonged development, extended lifespan and menopause. Integrating these models with Hamilton''s theory of inclusive fitness, we predict that the interaction of biological kinship with the age-schedule of resource production should be a key driver of intergenerational transfers. In the empirical case of Tsimane’ forager–horticulturalists in Bolivian Amazonia, we provide a detailed characterization of net transfers of food according to age, sex, kinship and the net need of donors and recipients. We show that parents, grandparents and siblings provide significant net downward transfers of food across generations. We demonstrate that the extent of provisioning responds facultatively to variation in the productivity and demographic composition of families, as predicted by the theory. We hypothesize that the motivation to provide these critical transfers is a fundamental force that binds together human nuclear and extended families. The ubiquity of three-generational families in human societies may thus be a direct reflection of fundamental evolutionary constraints on an organism''s life-history and social organization.     

The evolutionary and ecological roots of human social organization

Social organization among human foragers is characterized by a three-generational system of resource provisioning within families, long-term pair-bonding between men and women, high levels of cooperation between kin and non-kin, and relatively egalitarian social relationships. In this paper, we suggest that these core features of human sociality result from the learning- and skill-intensive human foraging niche, which is distinguished by a late age-peak in caloric production, high complementarity between male and female inputs to offspring viability, high gains to cooperation in production and risk-reduction, and a lack of economically defensible resources. We present an explanatory framework for understanding variation in social organization across human societies, highlighting the interactive effects of four key ecological and economic variables: (i) the role of skill in resource production; (ii) the degree of complementarity in male and female inputs into production; (iii) economies of scale in cooperative production and competition; and (iv) the economic defensibility of physical inputs into production. Finally, we apply this framework to understanding variation in social and political organization across foraging, horticulturalist, pastoralist and agriculturalist societies.