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1.
采用套袋自交结实率和自然结实率为主,花粉育性和田间目测整株育性为辅的综合性状,判定新型细胞质雄性不育系马协A以及它与明恢63的杂种F_1、F_2和BF_1的植株育性,并以野败型珍汕97A作对照,比较研究了其不育性的遗传规律。结果表明,马协A与珍汕97A不育性的遗传均由两对基因控制,但新型细胞质雄性不育系马协A两对基因的作用方式与珍汕97A不同。前者F_2群体的育性分离符合9:3:3:1的比例,BF_1符合1:2:1的比例;后者相应群体则符合12:3:1和2:1:1的比例,两对基因间表现为显性上位。斯米尔诺夫检验也表明马协A/明恢63和珍汕97A/明恢63的F_2群体的结实率频率分布差异显著(P<0.01)。并讨论了细胞质雄性不育的遗传机理及分子基础。  相似文献   
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The effects of hereditary and environmental factors upon the growth in stature of children living in Guatemala City has been studied. Heights at yearly examinations were fitted, by individual, to a double logistic curve in samples of Guatemalan and European children attending a private school in Guatemala City. These two samples differed genetically yet shared the same environment. Their growth was compared, by a multivariate analysis of the parameterized curves, to that of children from the Berkeley Growth Study, genetically similar to the European sample, yet living in different environments. The European children in Guatemala grew, before adolescence, more similar to Guatemalan and differed significantly from the Berkeley sample children. However, the amount of growth during the adolescent years experienced by the European children was similar to that of the Berkeley sample and differed from their Guatemalan counterparts.  相似文献   
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新城疫病毒HN和F基因遗传变异相关性的研究   总被引:21,自引:2,他引:19  
选取国内1999~2005年发生的NDV毒株,经CEF蚀斑纯化和SPF鸡胚增殖,对其融合蛋白(F)和血凝素-神经氨酸酶(HN)基因分别进行克隆测序,结合在GenBank中发表的具有F和HN基因的NDV序列,利用DNAStar软件,对其不同毒株的F或HN基因片段和全长、F和HN基因全长分别进行遗传变异的研究,利用统计学软件SPSS8.0进行同源性相关分析。结果表明:不同NDV毒株F或HN基因片段与其全长之间,核甘酸r≥0.973,氨基酸:0.911≤r≤0.968,遗传变异高度相关,但F与HN基因全长之间核甘酸的遗传变异呈现弱相关(r=0.312)。国内NDV野毒株之间HN核甘酸高度同源(同源率97%以上),而与La Sota同源率仅为79.2%~80.7%,且显示出明显的地域性。  相似文献   
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Memory studies in biological systems distinguish three informational processes that are generally sequential—production/acquisition, storage, and retrieval/use. Identification of DNA as a storage form for hereditary information accelerated progress in that field. Assuming the path of successful elucidation in one memory field (heredity) to be heuristic for elucidation in another (brain), then progress in neuroscience should accelerate when a storage form is identified. In the 19th century Ewald Hering and Samuel Butler held that heredity and brain memory both involved the storage of information and that the two forms of storage were the same. Hering specified storage as ‘molecular vibrations’ but, while making a fuller case, Butler was less committal. In the 20th century, the ablation studies of Karl Lashley failed to identify unique sites for storage of brain information, and Donald Hebb's ‘synaptic plasticity’ hypothesis of distributed storage over a neuronal network won favor. In the 21st century this has come under attack, and the idea that brain and hereditary information are stored as DNA is advocated. Thus, albeit without attribution, Butler's idea is reinstated. Yet, while the case is still open, the synaptic plasticity and DNA hypotheses have problems. Two broad alternatives remain on the table. Long term memory is located: (1) in the brain, either in some other macromolecular form (e.g. protein, lipid) or in some sub-molecular form (e.g. quantum computing and ‘brain as holograph’ hypotheses) or (2) outside the brain. The suggestion of the medieval physician Avicenna that the brain ‘cupboard’ is bare—i.e. the brain is a perceptual, not storage, organ—is consistent with a mysterious ‘universe as holograph’ model. Understanding how Butler came to contribute could be heuristic for future progress in a field fraught with ‘fractionation and disunity’.  相似文献   
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利用合丰25×东农7296系谱法经5个世代选育获得多小叶突变体,并以其作为父本分别与4个小叶正常的栽培大豆配制杂交组合的F1、F2为试验材料,进行多小叶类型的遗传分析。结果表明:小叶数正常的不同大豆亲本与多小叶大豆杂交(3叶×5叶),F1全部植株均表现为5叶,说明5叶性状是受显性核基因控制;不同组合3片叶、3+4片叶、3+5片叶、3+4+5片叶、4+5片叶和5片叶类型组成遗传分离模式存在显著差异,而在3片叶和>3片叶的遗传分离模式相同。杂交F2单株复叶为3片叶和>3片叶的个体分离的比例呈1∶3,符合1对显性单基因的遗传规律。因此,该多小叶突变体牡5796-3的复叶数受1对显性基因控制,该多小叶突变体可作为新种质用于大豆遗传育种及基因克隆和功能研究。  相似文献   
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介绍了国内学者对中国鹿类动物与遗传相关的试验研究的基本情况,涉及血液蛋白等分析、性状相关分析、染色体和线粒体相关分析等方面,对各项内容的总体及各项所采用的技术和方法、部分研究成果进行概述,并对其发展趋势进行展望。  相似文献   
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This essay analyzes one of Germany’s former premier research institutions for biomedical research, the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Anthropology, Human Heredity and Eugenics (KWIA) as a test case for the way in which politics and human heredity served as resources for each other during the Third Reich. Examining the KWIA from this perspective brings us a step closer to answering the questions at the heart of most recent scholarship concerning the biomedical community under the swastika: (1) How do we explain why the vast majority of German human geneticists and eugenicists were willing to work for the National Socialist state and, at the very least, legitimized its exterminationist racial policy; and (2) what accounts for at least some of Germany’s most renowned medically trained professionals’ involvement in forms of morally compromised science that wholly transcend the bounds of normal scientific practice? Although a complete answer to this question must await an examination of other German biological research centers, the present study suggests that during the Nazi period the symbiotic relationship between human genetics and politics served to radicalize both. The dynamic between the science of human heredity and Nazi politics changed the research practice of some of the biomedical sciences housed at the KWIA. It also simultaneously made it easier for the Nazi state to carry out its barbaric racial program leading, finally, to the extermination of millions of so-called racial undesirables.  相似文献   
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Three hundred and sixteen (35%) of the American-born Japanese children whose height, weight, and skeletal age were recorded in 1956–57 were reexamined as young adults between 1968 and 1974, when they were found to be taller, heavier, and shorter legged than men and women in Japan who were born in the same years as they. These differences between the American-born and the native Japanese adults were relatively smaller than they had been during childhood, due to both an acceleration in the growth rate of the native Japanese and a concomitant decline in that of the American-born Japanese during the intervening years. A comparison of our 1956–57 data with Kondo and Eto's findings in Los Angeles in 1971 shows that there has been very little increase in the size of California-Japanese children since 1956. The curves of average heights of native Japanese children 6 to 20 years of age, at 10-year intervals from 1900 to 1970, disclosed the changing rate at which they grew during different decades of that period. Those curves and other data discussed in this paper provide additional evidence of the biological superiority of the human female as compared with the male.  相似文献   
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