Population density and size facilitate interactive capacity and the rise of the state

Radiocarbon summed probability distribution (SPD) methods promise to illuminate the role of demography in shaping prehistoric social processes, but theories linking population indices to social organization are still uncommon. Here, we develop Power Theory, a formal model of political centralization that casts population density and size as key variables modulating the interactive capacity of political agents to construct power over others. To evaluate this argument, we generated an SPD from 755 radiocarbon dates for 10 000–1000 BP from Central, North Central and North Coast Peru, a period when Peruvian political form developed from ‘quasi-egalitarianism’ to state levels of political centralization. These data are congruent with theoretical expectations of the model but also point to an artefactual distortion previously unremarked in SPD research.This article is part of the theme issue ‘Cross-disciplinary approaches to prehistoric demography’.     

Historical links between settlement,ecology, and politics in the mountains of west Nepal

The paper presents a study of settlement processes in western Nepal. It emphasizes the linkages between settlement history, cultural ecology, and political economy as these relate to resources, marginality, and territory. Regional settlement trends are examined in accordance with land occupancy and tenure arrangements. Village settlement strategies are analyzed within a micro-processual framework that incorporates political economic perspectives on village land use and resource distributions. The past, present, and future roles of settlement in the human adaptation process of west Nepal's mountain populations is critically examined in the contexts of historical land policies and current rural political and environmental systems.     

Emergence of complex social networks from spatial structure and rules of thumb: a modelling approach

Individual-based computer models show that simple heuristic governing individuals’ behavior may suffice to generate complex patterns of social behavior at the group level such as those observed in animal societies. ‘GrooFiWorld’ is an example of such kind of computer models. In this model, self-organization and simple behavioral rules generate complex patterns of social behavior like those described in tolerant and intolerant societies of macaques. Social complexity results from the socio-spatial structure of the group, the nature of which is, in turn, a side-effect of intensity of aggression. The model suggests that a similar mechanism may give rise to complex social structures in macaques. It is, however, unknown if the spatial structure of the model and that of macaques are indeed similar. Here we used social networks analysis as a proxy for spatial structure of the group. Our findings show that the social networks of the model share similar qualitative features with those of macaques. As group size increases, the density and the average individual eigenvector centrality decrease and the modularity and centralization of the network increase. In social networks emerging from simulations resembling intolerant societies the density is lower, the modularity and centralization are higher, and the individuals ranking higher in the dominance hierarchy are more central than in the social networks emerging from simulations resembling egalitarian societies. Given the qualitative similarity between the social networks of the model and that of empirical data, our results suggest that the spatial structure of macaques is similar to that of the model. It seems thus plausible that, as in the model, the spatial structure combined with simple behavioral rules plays a role in the emergence of complex social networks and complex social behavior in macaques.     

Confronting the Structure of International Development: Political Agency and the Chiquitanos of Bolivia

In the past few decades, Latin America has encountered two related developments that are transforming indigenous peoples' ownership, use, and management of land and resources. The first has been a wave of political organizing among indigenous communities. International linkages, national and regional confederations, and local, intercommunal organizations have proliferated across Central and South America. Secondly, there has been a swift rise in the number and influence of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), which have brought unprecedented financial support and political leverage to the struggles of indigenous people. This paper examines development, natural resource management, and ecopolitics in the Chiquitano communities of Lomerio in the Bolivian lowlands. I discuss the impact of NGO and government policies and practices on Chiquitano political organization, and present examples of political agency on the part of the Chiquitanos, and features of the structural conditions that frame relations among the different groups.     

An Agent-Based Model of Centralized Institutions,Social Network Technology,and Revolution

This paper sheds light on the general mechanisms underlying large-scale social and institutional change. We employ an agent-based model to test the impact of authority centralization and social network technology on preference falsification and institutional change. We find that preference falsification is increasing with centralization and decreasing with social network range. This leads to greater cascades of preference revelation and thus more institutional change in highly centralized societies and this effect is exacerbated at greater social network ranges. An empirical analysis confirms the connections that we find between institutional centralization, social radius, preference falsification, and institutional change.     

Politics And Gastropolitics: Gender And The Power Of Food In Two African Pastoralist Societies

Male-centred aspects of political behaviour have generally remained the explanatory and interpretive focuses in analyses of the social organization of African pastoralists. While recent work on African pastoralists has shed increasing light on the lives of women, I argue that key assumptions underlying anthropological models of male dominance in these societies have been insufficiently challenged. Drawing on recent approaches in gender and social organization that highlight the mutual constitution of domestic and political domains, I examine comparative material from two well-known pastoralist societies: the Samburu of northern Kenya and the Nuer of southern Sudan. In doing so, I suggest strong linkages between male-dominated 'political spheres' and areas of domestic life in which the role of women is more significant – particularly processes of domestic food distribution. In re-examining central facets of Samburu politics – which are best known through Paul Spencer's seminal analysis of the gerontocratic aspects of Samburu political life – I suggest that the status and identities of Samburu men are in fundamental ways defined through their relationship to women as providers of food within Samburu households. Comparative material from the Nuer suggests, additionally, the strategic use of food by women in influencing male 'political spheres'. In comparing these cases, I suggest a more general model through which domestic processes of food allocation as realms of female-centred social action may be seen to play a central role in the forms and processes of pastoral 'political' life.     

A political body of civic and communal belonging: political memories in the creation of the Australian immigrant society

Any notion of political belonging is highly contested. Ultimately though, the political body of a society is shaped by contestation of two modes of belonging: civic and communal. In Australia, the relationship between these two modes of belonging has been negotiated through political conflicts, not least in reference to immigration, since the early years of European settlement. This article traces the trajectory of these conflicts by analysing political memories, specifically those of Australia Day commemorations, to engage with the underlying tension that constitutes the country's political body. Engaging with the long-standing civic/ethnic debate, it is argued that the actual relationship between civic and ethnic/communal belonging, rather than any separate references to them, is crucial to the specific constitution of sovereign political bodies, their particular form of social and political conflicts, and the ensuing implementation of policies, not least regarding migration.     

Bootlegging on a desert mountain: The political ecology of Agave (Agave spp.) demographic change in the Sonora river valley,Sonora, Mexico

Recent studies suggest that wild agave (Agavespp.) plants in Sonora, Mexico, are being over-harvested by mescal makers on communal lands. Using the conceptual framework of regional political ecology (Blaikie and Brookfield, 1987), I discuss the ecological processes of agave depletion, and investigate the social, economic, and political contexts in which unsustainable harvest practices arise. Whereas all the mescal makers have knowledge of sustainable harvest methods, population growth, expansion of agriculture onto ecologically marginal lands, and increasing dependence on wild harvested products from communal lands created the socioeconomic context for increased demand for mescal income. The ideology of household autonomy, and the belief that the village has no right to internally regulate use of the commons, created the political context for rapid, unsustainable harvesting—a tragedy of the commons. However, recent cultural changes have caused a reversal of this trend, and some wild agave populations may be recovering.     

贵州典型峰丛洼地区域近50年村落演变规律及驱动机制

揭示当前多种因素驱动下聚落演变模式与功能转型的地域差异具有重要意义。通过长时间序列的高清影像数据,研究典型峰丛洼地区不同自然和社会经济条件下,近50年来,尤其最近10年乡村聚落在多重背景下的演变模式、内在机制,及其地域差异。结果发现:(1)研究区聚落分布分部主要受耕地、地形和道路的影响,聚落面积增长热点和聚落斑块增长热点的耦合关系存在区域差异;(2)聚落格局演变存在集聚与均匀分布两种趋势;(3)研究区聚落特征和演变的阶段性地域差异十分明显;(4)喀斯特山区聚落的规模变化、演变阶段和演变模式既存在一些共同性的特征,又有各自的差异性;(5)外部因素和聚落农户的自我调适是演化的主要驱动力。     

Diaspora activism in a non-traditional country of destination: the case of Filipinos in the Netherlands

Diasporas have played important roles in democratization in their homelands. But how does diaspora mobilization occur when the country of settlement has a small and isolated ethnic community, the host and homeland governments have weak relations, and the conflict is invisible in the geographies of power? Using case study research, I analyse how solidarity groups in the Netherlands facilitated the emergence and growth of diaspora mobilization for democracy in the Philippines during the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos. My findings show that in cases where exiles and migrants lack pre-existing economic, political and social ties in the host society, solidarity groups can affect the political opportunity structure in the host country, permitting the promotion of certain claims and demands in the public sphere. Furthermore, diaspora mobilization can develop within the formal organizations or associational networks of solidarity groups.     

Political advocacy by the American Society for Cell Biology and its partners

I trace how the American Society for Cell Biology became a strong political advocate for the scientific community. I celebrate how good leadership and an effective staff enabled its energetic volunteer organization to have an impact, but I also ask how the effort can be made more successful.Many scientists take for granted that their scientific societies advocate for the well being of their individual members and the health of science. However, advocacy is a relatively recent development that emerged over the past two decades. Advocacy is essential in a democracy because science competes for taxpayer dollars with every other activity supported by the federal government. Advocacy is also important to ensure that lawmakers adopt sensible policies. I review how the American Society for Cell Biology (ASCB) and its allies learned how to fulfill this obligation, and I ask the reader to join the effort. The objective of these advocacy efforts is to influence political decisions through education and information, but the efforts by scientific societies are completely nonpartisan. Support from both political parties is essential to meet our goals.During the 1970s and 1980s biomedical scientists discussed federal funding and public policies that affected our science. Each year the public policy staff of the Federation of Societies of Experimental Biology (FASEB) helped member societies reach a consensus recommendation on the level of federal funding for the biosciences. However, we tended to talk to ourselves because we lacked effective ways to communicate with politicians or the outside world. For the most part we relegated the responsibility for advocacy to medical school deans and presidents of research universities. Their professional associations—the American Association of Medical Colleges (AAMC) and the Association of American Universities (AAU)—generally did a reasonable job of representing the interests of the scientists who worked at their schools.     

Culture and Rights after Culture and Rights

Building on a critical, theoretical approach outlined in Culture and Rights: Anthropological Perspectives (Cowan et al. 2001a), I posit rights processes as complex and contradictory: Both enabling and constraining, they produce new subjectivities and social relations and entail unintended consequences. To encourage interdisciplinary engagement on these themes, I explore selected texts that consider the relationship between culture and rights, addressing two literatures: (1) debates on culture, rights, and recognition in the context of multiculturalism among political philosophers and (2) an emerging literature by anthropologists, feminists, critical legal scholars, and engaged practitioners analyzing empirical cases. Although political philosophers elucidate ethical implications and clarify political projects, an outmoded arsenal of theoretical concepts of "culture,""society," and "the individual" has hampered their debates. When accounts are both theoretically informed and empirically grounded, contradictions, ambiguities, and impasses of culture and rights are more fully explored and the liberal model of rights and multiculturalism is more open to interrogation.     

Organizational life and political incorporation of two Asian immigrant groups: A case study

Civil society is the foundation of a healthy democracy but its immigrant element has received little attention. This paper is a case study of immigrant organizations of highly skilled Asian Indians and Chinese immigrants in a suburban town of Edison, New Jersey. I find that civic participation of Asian Indian immigrants spills over into political incorporation while Chinese immigrant organizations remain marginalized. I argue that local processes of racialization are central in explaining differences in political incorporation of immigrants. In the local context, the Chinese are seen as successful but conformist model minorities and Asian Indians as invaders and troublemakers. The racialization of Asian Indians has resulted in more political activity and higher levels of political visibility of their organizations. The results highlight shortcomings of current assimilation theories, which give little space to civic and political incorporation and view human capital in an unqualifiedly positive light.     

Psychiatric institutions, their architecture, and the politics of regional autonomy in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy

This paper examines the planning process and architecture of two public psychiatric institutions built around 1900 in Trieste and Lower Austria. From 1864, the building of new asylums was the responsibility of Crown land governments, which by the end of the nineteenth century had emerged as sites of power and self-presentation by minority groups and new political parties. At the same time, the area of asylum planning was establishing itself as a branch of asylum psychiatry and promoting the idea of the asylum as model settlement, contributing to social reform. I analyse the interaction of psychiatrists, architects and government officials involved in planning the two institutions in the context of Crown land governments' self-positioning within the empire and internationally (especially in relation to Italy and Germany). The Trieste asylum planners were working for a government controlled by Italian nationalists, but their desire for a 'modern' asylum turned them towards German models. The Christian Social government in Lower Austria sought to supplant Germany as the leader in this branch of science. The spatial arrangement and visual articulation of the two asylums is interpreted in the context of the interaction of psychiatry and the politics of regional autonomy.     

Explaining Corporal Punishment of Children: A Cross-Cultural Study

Corporal punishment of children is a frequent child-training technique in many societies in the ethnographic record. In other societies it is infrequent or rare. Using a worldwide sample of largely preindustrial societies in this article, we test previous and new theories that might explain the variation. Our multiple regression analyses indicate that frequent corporal punishment of children is predicted by higher levels of social stratification and political integration, and long-term use of an alien currency. These findings are consistent with our theory that societies are likely to practice corporal punishment to prepare children for living in a society with native or imposed (e.g., colonial) power inequality. In addition, corporal punishment appears more likely in societies in which nonrelative caretakers help raise children. And in nonpacified societies, undemocratic political decision making and a culture of violence also predict corporal punishment of children.     

The Collapse of the Classic Maya: A Case for the Role of Water Control

This article focuses on the role of water control in the emergence and demise of Classic Maya political power (c. C.E. 250-950), one that scholars have long underestimated. The scale of water control correlates with the degree of political power, reflected in three levels of Maya civic-ceremonial centers—regional, secondary, and minor. Such power derives from a complex relationship among center location, seasonal water supply, amount of agricultural land, and settlement density. Maya kings monopolized artificial reservoirs and other water sources during annual drought, providing the means to exact tribute from subjects. Climate change undermined the institution of rulership when existing ceremonies and technology failed to provide sufficient water. The collapse of rulers' power at regional centers in the Terminal Classic (c. C.E. 850-950) had differing impacts on smaller centers. Secondary and minor centers not heavily dependent on water control survived the drought and the collapse of regional centers. [Keywords: political power, water control, Classic Maya collapse]     

Status and Power in Classic Maya Society: An Archeological Study

This article uses archeological data to examine how social relations allocate economic and political power in ancient complex societies. Based on recent excavations in the Copan Valley, Honduras, the socioeconomic organization of the basic residential group is reconstructed and the existence of a pervasive social hierarchy demonstrated. I argue that during the Late and Terminal Classic periods, the Maya were organized into a series of internally ranked and externally stratified status lineages (Goldman 1970) that structured social, economic, and political relationships.     

The politics of immigration locally: alliances between political parties and immigrant organizations

Alliances are a political opportunity that reinforce the claims made by different players in the political sphere. However, the literature on the political participation of immigrants pays little attention to the formation of alliances and their effects on the interaction between immigrants and institutional actors, especially under circumstances of politicization. This article aims to explain the emergence of alliances between political parties and immigrant organizations when immigration is politicized locally. I argue that the need to legitimize the political parties’ position on the politicization guide their alliances with immigrants. Using qualitative methods, I analyse the emergence of alliances in the anti-Romanian-Roma campaign in Badalona and the burka ban in Lleida, both in Catalonia, Spain. The findings portray these relationships as the outcome of strategic interactions that respond to the balance of power between institutional and non-institutional actors.     

Hydraulic development as a process of response

The relationship between political organization and hydraulic development is discussed, using illustrations from the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. It is suggested that change in political organization toward greater or lesser centralization of control over local water resource use may be part of a social response to environmental degradation (in this case, a receding water table) resulting from the effects of change in resource use (in this case, intensified water extraction). Economic stress due to environmental degradation varies in duration and intensity; such variations must be taken into account in understanding shifts in response patterns. Small-scale hydraulic development which places pressure on the availability of water for irrigation may elicit an initial response of centralization of control over its use to correct for the disturbance, water shortage. However, this response itself tends to exacerbate the disturbance through reducing previously existing homeostatic controls on the extraction of water and hence leads to greater economic stress, up to the point at which new responses must take place. Other kinds of environmental disturbance resulting from initial development attempts appear to have similar feedback effects which contribute to potential systemic instability.     

Fluid-mediated dispersal in streams: models of settlement from the drift

I propose proximal mechanisms that help explain, unify, and expand the predictions of widely accepted empirical models of settlement in streams. I separated the process that leads to settlement of a drifting particle into three stages: (1) initial contact with a substrate, (2) attachment, and (3) settlement sensu stricto. I used physical principles (height above the bed, sinking rate, current speed profile) to predict time until contact (stage 1). I compared these predictions with empirical measurements of settlement of individual black fly larvae (Simulium vittatum) in a laboratory flume. I developed models from empirical data for stages 2 and 3. Each of these models is individual-based and predicts the fate of a single individual. To obtain a population level prediction, models for the three stages were combined and used to simulate the settlement of a group of black fly larvae. The predictions of this simulation were qualitatively similar to population level data from the literature particularly after the incorporation of channel-wide spatial heterogeneity in current speed. The effect of flow heterogeneity on the model agrees with previous work on the lateral transport of stream invertebrates during drift events showing that many organisms settle preferentially in slower areas. By using proximal principles, the approach used in this study brings into focus basic parameters and processes that influence settlement at the scale of the organisms. It also provides a null hypothesis against which to study the effect of local flow heterogeneity on the settlement of stream invertebrates and the capacity of organisms to actively influence settlement. Water currents in streams and rivers commonly transport large numbers of organisms. Consequently, hydrodynamic factors that favor or hamper the settlement of these organisms can potentially influence distributions and abundance. Moreover, if settlement probabilities vary with flow characteristics, this can in turn influence foraging strategies that rely on fluid-mediated dispersal. Received: 9 January 1999 / Accepted: 8 June 1999