Dental health in Northern Chile's Atacama oases: evaluating the Middle Horizon (AD 500-1000) impact on local diet

As one of the few areas apt for horticulture in Northern Chile's arid landscape, the prehistory of the Atacama oases is deeply enmeshed with that of the inter‐regional networks that promoted societal development in the south central Andes. During the Middle Horizon (AD 500–1000), local populations experienced a cultural apex associated with a substantial increase in inter‐regional interaction, population density, and quantity and quality of mortuary assemblages. Here, we test if this cultural peak affected dietary practices equally among the distinct local groups of this period. We examine caries prevalence and the degree of occlusal wear in four series recovered from three cemeteries. Our results show a reduction in the prevalence of caries for males among an elite subsample from Solcor 3 and the later Coyo 3 cemeteries. Dental wear tends to increase over time with the Late Middle Horizon/Late Intermediate Period cemetery of Quitor 6 showing a higher average degree of wear. When considered in concert with archaeological information, we concluded that the Middle Horizon was marked by dietary variability wherein some populations were able to obtain better access to protein sources (e.g., camelid meat). Not all members of Atacameño society benefited from this, as we note that this dietary change only affected men. Our results suggest that the benefits brought to the San Pedro oases during the Middle Horizon were not equally distributed among local groups and that social status, relationship to the Tiwanaku polity, and interment in particular cemeteries affected dietary composition. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2012. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Isotopic evidence for divergent diets and mobility patterns in the Atacama Desert,northern Chile,during the Late Intermediate Period (AD 900–1450)

The decline of the Tiwanaku state saw the emergence of two new cultures—Pica‐Tarapacá and Atacama—during the Late Intermediate Period in northern Chile. Archeological evidence suggests that both groups practised maize agriculture and pastoralism, but that their interaction zones differed significantly. Marine resources are common at Pica‐Tarapacá sites, even those far from coast, while Atacama sites in the desert oases and precordilleran area seem to have directed their networks towards the highlands. Here we apply stable carbon, nitrogen, and oxygen isotope analysis on human bone and enamel to test dietary patterns and residential mobility at two sites, Pica 8 and Quitor 6, representing the Pica‐Tarapacá and Atacama cultures, respectively. Our results show that diet at the two sites indeed differed: significant but variable consumption of marine resources and maize is indicated at Pica 8, despite being an inland site, while diet at Quitor 6 was based mainly on terrestrial resources. The use of seabird guano and llama dung as fertilizers and extreme aridity may have contributed to the high nitrogen isotope values observed in Pica 8 humans. The δ¹⁸O values in Pica 8 individuals are generally lower than for Quitor in spite of its greater distance from the Andes. All three isotopes suggest the presence of at least five nonlocals in the 30 measured at Pica 8. This evidence for human mobility is consistent with the high levels of trade and interaction observed in the archeological record, and begins to quantify the degree of movement of specific individuals. Am J Phys Anthropol 156:374–387, 2015. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Investigating cultural heterogeneity in San Pedro de Atacama,northern Chile,through biogeochemistry and bioarchaeology

Individuals living in the San Pedro de Atacama oases and the neighboring upper Loa River Valley of northern Chile experienced the collapse of an influential foreign polity, environmental decline, and the appearance of a culturally distinct group during the Late Intermediate Period (ca. AD 1,100–1,400). We investigate cultural heterogeneity at the Loa site of Caspana through analyses of strontium and oxygen isotopes, cranial modification styles, and mortuary behavior, integrating biological aspects of identity, particularly geographic origins, with cultural aspects of identity manifested in body modification and mortuary behavior. We test the hypothesis that the Caspana population (n = 66) represents a migrant group, as supported by archeological and ethnographic evidence, rather than a culturally distinct local group. For Caspana archeological human tooth enamel, mean ⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr = 0.70771 ± 0.00038 (1σ, n = 30) and mean δ¹⁸O_c(V‐PDB) = ?3.9 ± 0.6‰ (1σ, n = 16); these isotopic data suggest that only one individual lived outside the region. Material culture suggests that the individuals buried at Caspana shared some cultural affinity with the San Pedro oases while maintaining distinct cultural traditions. Finally, cranial modification data show high frequencies of head shaping [92.4% (n = 61/65)] and an overwhelming preference for annular modification [75.4% (n = 46/61)], contrasting sharply with practices in the San Pedro area. Based on multiple lines of evidence, we argue that, rather than representing a group of altiplano migrants, the Caspana population existed in the region for some time. However, cranial modification styles and mortuary behavior that are markedly distinct from patterns in surrounding areas raise the possibility of cultural heterogeneity and cultural fissioning. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2009. © 2008 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Utility of multiple chemical techniques in archaeological residential mobility studies: case studies from Tiwanaku- and Chiribaya-affiliated sites in the Andes

In the south central Andes, archaeologists have long debated the extent of Tiwanaku colonization during the Middle Horizon (AD 500-1000). We tested the hypotheses regarding the nature of Tiwanaku influence using strontium isotope, trace element concentration, and oxygen isotope data from archaeological human tooth enamel and bone from Tiwanaku- and Chiribaya-affiliated sites in the south central Andes. Strontium isotope analysis of 25 individuals buried at the Tiwanaku-affiliated Moquegua Valley site of Chen Chen demonstrates that it was likely a Tiwanaku colony. In contrast, no immigrants from the Lake Titicaca Basin were present in 27 individuals analyzed from the San Pedro de Atacama cemeteries of Coyo Oriental, Coyo-3, and Solcor-3; it is likely that these sites represent economic and religious alliances, but not colonies. However, strontium isotope analysis alone cannot distinguish movement between the Tiwanaku- and Chiribaya-affiliated sites in the Moquegua and Ilo Valleys of southern Peru. Analyzing oxygen isotope and trace element concentration data and comparing it with strontium isotope data from the same individuals provides a more detailed picture of residential mobility in the Tiwanaku and Chiribaya polities. In addition to monitoring diagenetic contamination, trace element concentration data identified movement during adulthood for certain individuals. However, these data could not distinguish movement between the Moquegua and Ilo Valleys. While oxygen isotope data could clearly distinguish the high-altitude sites from others, more data is needed to characterize the local oxygen isotope ratios of these regions. These data demonstrate the potential for archaeological reconstruction of residential mobility through multiple lines of evidence.     

Hiding inequality beneath prosperity: patterns of cranial injury in middle period San Pedro de Atacama, Northern Chile

The Middle Period in San Pedro de Atacama (AD 400–1000) stands out as a time of great prosperity that was, in part, associated with high levels of interaction with foreign polities, including the highland state of Tiwanaku. Although previous studies have demonstrated an increase in rates of violence during the subsequent Regional Developments Period (AD 1000–1400), this does not mean that the Middle Period was a time of peace and tranquility. Here, the prevalence of violence in four contemporary cemeteries is analyzed, exploring potential sources of conflict, including social inequality. Cranial trauma was documented through the presence, location, size, and state of healing of all wounds and was found in 14.7% of the sample (61/415; including two cases of perimortem trauma). Skeletal remains were also analyzed for demographic data to investigate differences in patterns of violence related to sex and age. Notably, most of the trauma centered on the anterior portion of the skull, suggesting the prominence of face‐to‐face confrontations that involved both sexes. Correlations between trauma and items in the mortuary assemblage that may have been associated with prestige or an elevated social standing in two cemeteries from the Solcor ayllu indicate that individuals from the more elite cemetery were subjected to significantly less traumatic injury. These data suggest that people did not share equally in the benefits of this period's affluence and that there were tensions in Atacameño society despite seemingly widespread prosperity. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2011. © 2011 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Issues of affinity: Exploring population structure in the middle and regional developments periods of San Pedro de Atacama,Chile

The Middle Period (AD 400–1000) in northern Chile's Atacama oases is characterized by an increase in social complexity and regional interaction, much of which was organized around the power and impact of the Tiwanaku polity. Despite the strong cultural influence of Tiwanaku and numerous other groups evident in interactions with Atacameños, the role of immigration into the oases during this period is unclear. While archaeological and bioarchaeological research in the region has shown no evidence that clearly indicates large groups of foreign immigrants, the contemporary increase in interregional exchange networks connecting the oases to other parts of the Andes suggests residential mobility and the possibility that movement of people both into and out of the oases accompanied these foreign influences. Here, we analyze biodistance through cranial non‐metric traits in a skeletal sample from prehistoric San Pedro de Atacama to elucidate the extent of foreign influence in the oases and discuss its implications. We analyzed 715 individuals from the Middle Period (AD 400–1000) and later Regional Developments Period (AD 1000–1450), and found greater phenotypic differences between Middle Period cemeteries than among cemeteries in the subsequent period. We argue that this greater diversity extends beyond the relationship between the oases and the renowned Tiwanaku polity and reflects the role of the oases and its different ayllus as a node and way station for the Middle Period's myriad interregional networks. Am J Phys Anthropol 152:370–382, 2013. © 2013 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Interpersonal violence in prehistoric San Pedro de Atacama, Chile: behavioral implications of environmental stress

The prehistoric population of San Pedro de Atacama lived through periods marked by prosperity and interregional interaction, as well as times of severe drought, social stress, and widespread poverty. A sample of 682 crania was analyzed for evidence of cranial trauma in order to assess changing patterns of interpersonal violence during the occupation of the oasis. It was hypothesized that the level of traumatic injuries in this population would parallel some of the changes seen in the archaeological record. Low fracture rates would be expected in periods of affluence and environmental stability, while periods characterized by environmental extremes and state collapse would yield elevated rates of aggression. This analysis found that rates of trauma escalated from 5.1% (5/99) in the earliest period, to 10.9% (10/92) in the Middle Horizon (AD 600-950). Although it may reflect problems related to increasing population density in the oasis, this increase is surprising, given that the early period witnessed the shift to permanent settlements, and the middle period was one of prosperity and plentiful resource availability. Trauma rates peaked at 35.6% (16/45) in an early Late Intermediate period (AD 950-1400) cemetery, with other Late Intermediate cemeteries demonstrating similarly high rates of traumatic injury. The elevated trauma rates during this period correlate with major droughts, the concentration of settlements on the oasis' east side, fortified structures, and material poverty, all reflected in the archaeological record. As the Late Intermediate waned and environmental conditions improved, trauma concomitantly decreased (7.0%), and remained low throughout the Inka occupation (AD 1400-1532). This indicates that while the Atacama was not peaceful, violence became commonplace only during periods of great social change and resource stress.     

Skeletal evidence for Inca warfare from the Cuzco region of Peru

This article addresses the bioarchaeological evidence for Inca warfare through an analysis of 454 adult skeletons from 11 sites in the Inca capital region of Cuzco, Peru. These 11 sites span almost 1000 years (AD 600-1532), which allows for a comparison of the evidence for warfare before the Inca came to power (Middle Horizon AD 600-1000), during the time of Inca ascendency in the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000-1400), and after the Inca came to power and expanded throughout the Cuzco region and beyond (Inca Imperial Period, AD 1400-1532). The results indicate that 100 of 454 adults (22.0%) showed evidence of cranial trauma. Of these, 23 individuals had major cranial injuries suggestive of warfare, consisting of large, complete, and/or perimortem fractures. There was scant evidence for major injuries during the Middle Horizon (2.8%, 1/36) and Late Intermediate Period (2.5%, 5/199), suggesting that warfare was not prevalent in the Cuzco region before and during the Inca rise to power. Only in the Inca Imperial Period was there a significant rise in major injuries suggestive of warfare (7.8%, 17/219). Despite the significant increase in Inca times, the evidence for major cranial injuries was only sporadically distributed at Cuzco periphery sites and was entirely absent at Cuzco core sites. These findings suggest that while the Inca used warfare as a mechanism for expansion in the Cuzco region, it was only one part of a complex expansion strategy that included economic, political, and ideological means to gain and maintain control.     

Coastal,valley, and oasis interaction: Impact on the evolution of ancient populations in the South Central Andes

The existing biocultural links are analyzed among ancient inhabitants of the Cochabamba valleys (Bolivia) from the Formative and Tiwanaku periods, coastal and inland Azapa region (Chile) from the Late Archaic to the Late periods, and the Atacama Desert oases (Chile) from the Formative period to the time of European contact. Craniometric information obtained from a sample of 565 individuals from different sites of the studied regions was evaluated using methods derived from quantitative genetics and multivariate statistical analysis techniques. It is shown that during the Formative and Tiwanaku periods inhabitants of the Cochabamba valleys maintained contact with the population of northern Chile. This contact was more fluid with the people from the interior valley of Azapa than it was with the settlers of San Pedro Atacama (SPA). An important biological affinity in the Late Period between the inhabitants of the Azapa valley and the late SPA groups is also examined. The Late‐Inca Catarpe SPA sample shows a broad genetic variability shared with the majority of the groups studied. The results reaffirm the differences between the coastal and interior Azapa valley groups and strengthen the hypothesis of two pathways to populating the south central Andean area. The divergence observed among subpopulations can be explained by the spatiotemporal dispersion between them, genetic drift dispersion compensated by the action of gene flow, and cultural norms that regulate within group mating. Am J Phys Anthropol 155:591–599, 2014. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Ancient Leishmaniasis in a Highland Desert of Northern Chile

Background

Leishmaniasis is an infectious disease endemic today in many areas of South America.

Methodology

We discovered morphologic and molecular evidence of ancient infections in 4 female skulls in the archaeological cemetery of Coyo Oriente, in the desert of San Pedro de Atacama, Northern Chile. The boney facial lesions visible in the skulls could have been caused by a number of chronic infections including chronic Leishmaniasis. This diagnosis was confirmed using PCR-sequenced analyses of bone fragments from the skulls of the affected individuals.Leishmaniasis is not normally found in the high-altitude desert of Northern Chile; where the harsh climate does not allow the parasite to complete its life cycle. The presence of Leishmaniasis in ancient skulls from the region implies infection by the protozoan in an endemic area–likely, in our subjects, to have been the lowlands of North-Eastern Argentina or in Southern Bolivia.

Conclusions

We propose that the presence of the disease in ancient times in the high altitude desert of San Pedro de Atacama is the result of an exogamic system of patrilocal marriages, where women from different cultures followed their husbands to their ancestral homes, allowing immigrant women, infected early in life, to be incorporated in the Atacama desert society before they became disfigured by the disease. The present globalization of goods and services and the extraordinary facile movement of people across borders and continents have lead to a resurgence of infectious diseases and re-emergence of infections such as Leishmaniasis. We show here that such factors were already present millennia ago, shaping demographic trends and the epidemiology of infections just as they do today.     

Changing patterns of mobility as a response to climatic deterioration and aridification in the middle Holocene southern Sahara

The African Humid Period witnessed a rapid human re‐occupation of the Sahara as numerous lakes formed during the Holocene climatic optimum circa 10‐5 kya. Permanent waters attracted a variety of aquatic and terrestrial fauna allowing for long‐term occupation of specific paleolake basins. The Gobero paleolake in central Niger was one such location that preserves a unique mortuary record from the southern Sahara. Here, we use radiogenic strontium isotope analysis to investigate how human communities adapted to aridification throughout the Holocene. In particular, we examine the effects of increasing climate instability on patterns of human mobility. Results of radiogenic strontium isotope analysis of enamel and bone samples from Middle Holocene burials (～7.2–4.9 kya) indicate predominantly local values with no evidence for sex‐based variation. Comparisons of radiogenic strontium isotope data with previously published (Stojanowski and Knudson: Am J Phys Anthropol 146 (2011) 49–61) Early Holocene burials (～9.7–8.3 kya) indicate significant differences in both enamel and bone values. Middle Holocene individuals demonstrate a predominantly non‐local signature for enamel values and a predominantly local signature for bone values. Those individuals with non‐local bone values always demonstrated non‐local enamel values; however, the opposite was not the case. This suggests a divergence of mobility strategies during the Middle Holocene with a minority of individuals maintaining a more mobile existence throughout their life and others maintaining a similar strategy as Early Holocene hunter–gatherers that was tied to the paleolake basin. The more mobile individuals likely lived during the terminal phase of the lake's occupation. One response to aridification by Saharan peoples, then, was increasing mobility. Am J Phys Anthropol 154:79–93, 2014. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Paleogenetical study of pre‐Columbian samples from Pampa Grande (Salta,Argentina)

Ancient DNA recovered from 21 individuals excavated from burial sites in the Pampa Grande (PG) region (Salta province) of North‐Western Argentina (NWA) was analyzed using various genetic markers (mitochondrial DNA, autosomal STRs, and Y chromosomal STRs). The results were compared to ancient and modern DNA from various populations in the Andean and North Argentinean regions, with the aim of establishing their relationships with PG. The mitochondrial haplogroup frequencies described (11% A, 47% B, and 42% D) presented values comparable to those found for the ancient Andean populations from Peru and San Pedro de Atacama. On the other hand, mitochondrial and Y chromosomal haplotypes were specific to PG, as they did not match any other of the South American populations studied. The described genetic diversity indicates homogeneity in the genetic structure of the ancient Andean populations, which was probably facilitated by the intense exchange network in the Andean zone, in particular among Tiwanaku, San Pedro de Atacama, and NWA. The discovery of haplotypes unique to PG could be due to a loss of genetic diversity caused by recent events affecting the autochthonous populations (establishment of the Inca Empire in the region, colonization by the Europeans). Am J Phys Anthropol 2010. © 2009 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Investigating regional mobility in the southern hinterland of the Wari Empire: biogeochemistry at the site of Beringa, Peru

Empires have transformed political, social, and environmental landscapes in the past and present. Although much research on archaeological empires focuses on large-scale imperial processes, we use biogeochemistry and bioarchaeology to investigate how imperialism may have reshaped regional political organization and regional migration patterns in the Wari Empire of the Andean Middle Horizon (ca. AD 600-1000). Radiogenic strontium isotope analysis of human remains from the site of Beringa in the Majes Valley of southern Peru identified the geographic origins of individuals impacted by the Wari Empire. At Beringa, the combined archaeological human enamel and bone values range from (87)Sr/(86)Sr = 0.70802 - 0.70960, with a mean (87)Sr/(86)Sr = 0.70842 ± 0.00027 (1σ, n = 52). These data are consistent with radiogenic strontium isotope data from the local fauna in the Majes Valley and imply that most individuals were local inhabitants, rather than migrants from the Wari heartland or some other locale. There were two outliers at Beringa, and these "non-local" individuals may have derived from other parts of the South Central Andes. This is consistent with our understanding of expansive trade networks and population movement in the Andean Middle Horizon, likely influenced by the policies of the Wari Empire. Although not a Wari colony, the incorporation of small sites like Beringa into the vast social and political networks of the Middle Horizon resulted in small numbers of migrants at Beringa.     

The Influence of Tiwanaku on Life in the Chilean Atacama: Mortuary and Bodily Perspectives

ABSTRACT  Using a contextualized bioarchaeological framework, in this article, I examine the complex relationship between the Tiwanaku polity of the Bolivian altiplano (C.E. 550–1000) and the inhabitants of the San Pedro de Atacama oases of northern Chile, in Tiwanaku's far periphery. I focus on how influences from Tiwanaku might have affected the presentation of Atacameño group identity in the mortuary context. I compare skeletal and mortuary data from 300 individuals buried during the peak of Tiwanaku influence in the Atacama to assess mortuary context, trauma, and body modifications. Results suggest a complex response to Tiwanaku influence. Data from the grave and mortuary assemblage reveal traditional Atacameño tombs with occasional foreign objects. Evidence of increased traumatic injury suggests that this relationship was not without some conflict. Finally, the maintenance of bodily expressions of local identity indicates a society that used their bodies to mark Atacameño identity.     

Paleomobility in the Tiwanaku Diaspora: Biogeochemical analyses at Rio Muerto,Moquegua, Peru

Paleomobility has been a key element in the study of the expansion of ancient states and empires, including the Tiwanaku polity of the South Central Andes (AD 500–1000). We present radiogenic strontium and oxygen isotope data from human burials from three cemeteries in the Tiwanaku‐affiliated Middle Horizon archaeological site complex of Rio Muerto in the Moquegua Valley of southern Peru. At Rio Muerto, archaeological human enamel and bone values range from ⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr = 0.70657–0.72018, with a mean of ⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr = 0.70804 ± 0.00207 (1σ, n = 55). For the subset of samples analyzed for oxygen isotope values (n = 48), the data ranges from δ¹⁸O_{carbonate(VSMOW)} = +18.1 to +27.0‰. When contextualized with other lines of archaeological evidence, we interpret these data as evidence for an archaeological population in which the majority of individuals had “local” origins, and were likely second‐generation, or more, immigrants from the Tiwanaku heartland in the altiplano. Based on detailed life history data, we argue a smaller number of individuals came at different ages from various regions within the Tiwanaku polity. We consider whether these individuals with isotopic values consistent with “nonlocal” geographic origins could represent first‐generation migrants, marriage exchange partners, or occupationally mobile herders, traders or other travelers. By combining isotopic life history studies with mortuary treatment data, we use a person‐centered migration history approach to state integration and expansion. Isotopic analyses of paleomobility at the Rio Muerto site complex contribute to the role of diversity in ancient states by demonstrating the range of geographic origins rather than simply colonists from the Lake Titicaca Basin. Am J Phys Anthropol 155:405–421, 2014. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Nonmetric cranial trait variation and prehistoric biocultural change in the Azapa Valley, Chile

Historically, interpretations of both biological and cultural change within the prehistoric Azapa Valley, northern Chile, have cited large-scale population movements, with replacement from complex societies located in the adjacent highlands to the east. Biological estimates of this change have traditionally relied upon biodistance estimates, using craniofacial measures of both deformed and nondeformed skulls. In order to evaluate whether large-scale prehistoric migrations occurred in the Azapa Valley, we examine biodistance results from nonmetric cranial traits for eight mortuary samples that represent all time periods of prehistoric occupation of the valley. None of the mean measures of divergences (MMD) among mortuary samples examined by this study were significant. These results suggest biological continuity in the Azapa Valley during 5,000 years of prehistory, with nonsignificant gene flow during the late Middle Horizon (AD 750-1100) and Late Intermediate (AD 1100-1476) periods. Biodistance results also suggest endogamy within coastal and inland populations. The broader implications of these results are discussed.     

Comparative stable isotope analyses of green sturgeon (Acipenser medirostris) and white sturgeon (A. transmontanus) in the San Francisco estuary

Green sturgeon (Acipenser medirostris) and white sturgeon (A. transmontanus) are closely related, sympatric species that inhabit the San Francisco estuary. Green sturgeon have a more marine life history but both species spawn in the Sacramento River and reside for some duration in San Francisco Bay. These sturgeons are of conservation concern, yet little is known about their dietary competition when they overlap in space and time. To examine evidence of dietary differentiation, we collected whole blood and blood plasma from 26 green sturgeon and 35 white sturgeon in San Francisco Bay. Using carbon and nitrogen stable isotope analyses, we compared their relative trophic levels and foraging locations along the freshwater to marine gradient. Sampling blood plasma and whole blood allowed comparison of dietary integration over shorter and longer time scales, respectively. Plasma and whole blood δ¹³C values confirmed green sturgeon had more marine dietary sources than white sturgeon. Plasma δ¹⁵N values revealed white sturgeon fed at lower trophic levels than green sturgeon recently, however, whole blood δ¹⁵N values demonstrated the two species fed at the same trophic level over longer time scales. Larger individuals of both species had higher δ¹³C values than smaller individuals, reflecting more marine food sources in adulthood. Length did not affect δ¹⁵N values of either species. Isotope analyses supported the more marine life history of green than white sturgeon and potentially highlight a temporary trophic differentiation of diet between species during and preceding the overlapping life stage in San Francisco Bay.     

Biogeochemical inferences of mobility of early Holocene fisher‐foragers from the Southern Sahara Desert

North Africa is increasingly seen as an important context for understanding modern human evolution and reconstructing biocultural adaptations. The Sahara, in particular, witnessed a fluorescence of hunter‐gatherer settlement at the onset of the Holocene after an extended occupational hiatus. Subsequent subsistence changes through the Holocene are contrary to those documented in other areas where mobile foraging gave way to settled agricultural village life. In North Africa, extractive fishing and hunting was supplanted by cattle and caprine pastoralism under deteriorating climatic conditions. Therefore, the initial stage of food production in North Africa witnessed a likely increase in mobility. However, there are few studies of paleomobility in Early Holocene hunter‐gatherer Saharan populations and the degree of mobility is generally assumed. Here, we present radiogenic strontium isotope ratios from Early Holocene fisher‐forager peoples from the site of Gobero, central Niger, southern Sahara Desert. Data indicate a relatively homogeneous radiogenic strontium isotope signature for this hunter‐gather population with limited variability exhibited throughout the life course or among different individuals. Although the overall signature was local, some variation in the radiogenic strontium isotope data likely reflects transhumance into the nearby Aïr Massif. Data from Gobero were significantly less variable than in other worldwide hunter‐gatherer populations, including those thought to be fairly sedentary. Strontium data from Gobero were also significantly different from contemporaneous sites in southwestern Libya. These patterns are discussed with respect to archaeological models of community organization and technological evolution. Am J Phys Anthropol 2011. © 2011 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Seasonal and ontogenetic shifts in the diet of Arctic charr Salvelinus alpinus in a subarctic lake

Seasonal and ontogenetic shifts in the diet of Arctic charr Salvelinus alpinus were studied in a deep, ultra‐oligotrophic lake in subarctic Finland from both stomach contents and the stable carbon (δ¹³C) and nitrogen (δ¹⁵N) isotope compositions of muscle and liver tissues. Both diet and isotope results indicated that the S. alpinus population relied mainly on littoral benthic energy sources. The strong littoral reliance appeared largely independent of season or fish size, although the data lacked small (total length, L_T, <130 mm) and young (<3 years) S. alpinus. Liver isotope values of intermediate‐sized S. alpinus (200–350 mm), however, suggested exploitation of the increase in the abundance of pelagic zooplankton in the late open‐water season. The results suggest that, in general, a strong littoral reliance of fishes can be a feature in subarctic lakes throughout the year. Due to its faster isotopic turnover rate and thus higher resolution for temporal diet changes, liver could be more commonly used in stable‐isotope studies of fish trophic niche shifts instead of using only the less responsive muscle tissue.     

Upper Campanian–Maastrichtian chronostratigraphy of the Skælskør‐1 core,Denmark: correlation at the basinal and global scale and implications for changes in sea‐surface temperatures

The lithostratigraphy, calcareous nannofossil biostratigraphy, carbon‐ and oxygen‐isotope stratigraphy and gamma‐ray profile are presented for the Skælskør‐1 core, eastern Denmark. The correlation of carbon isotopes to Gubbio (Italy) and ODP Site 762C (Indian Ocean) provides the chronostratigrahical framework of the core through a tie to magnetostratigraphy. Two new carbon‐isotope excursions are defined for the uppermost Maastrichtian of the core and prove useful for long‐distance correlation. Twenty stratigraphic tie‐points are used for correlation of the upper Campanian–Maastrichtian interval by combining carbon‐isotope and gamma‐ray variations. Significant dissimilarities in the gamma‐ray profiles of the Danish Basin cores preclude the sole use of this tool for basin‐scale correlations. Bulk oxygen‐isotopes and semi‐quantitative abundance changes in the warm‐water calcareous nannofossil Watznaueria barnesiae and the cool‐water Kamptnerius magnificus highlight the following past changes in sea‐surface temperatures (SSTs): relatively warm late Campanian SSTs, cooling across the Campanian–Maastrichtian boundary and through the early Maastrichtian, warming across the early–late Maastrichtian transition, cooling in the late Maastrichtian, intense warming in the latest Maastrichtian chron C29r, followed by a very short episode of cooling immediately before the Cretaceous–Palaeogene boundary. The late Campanian–Maastrichtian evolution in sea water temperatures inferred from the Danish Basin is similar to that delineated at tropical latitude oceanic sites.