Rendering the absent visible: victimhood and the irreconcilability of violence

Contemporary justice-making processes often focus on reconciliation or legal retribution, but not on the complexity of victimhood beyond individual subjectivity or refusals of state propositions for social repair. In Colombia, where drug cartels and state-sponsored violence had terrorized the population for over fifty years, it was not forgiveness and acceptance that punctuated the turn of the twenty-first century, but the refusal to reconcile with the state's duplicity regarding the disappearance and death of thousands. This essay illustrates how irreconciliation as an affective sentiment is taking shape in Colombia through forms of reattribution that take the form of victim visibilizations. In analysing the strategic use of victim visibilizations as a refusal of state accountability, their expansion of the notion of victimhood, and their politics of irreconciliation, I show how even with the state's remorse-driven discourses, the public's understanding that political, judicial, and social accountability was not possible and pushed them to chart new strategies for disclosure and healing.     

Introduction: On irreconciliation

Most post-conflict reconciliatory exercises make it incumbent upon survivors to forgive, and seek closure as a demonstration of ‘moving on’. Various anthropologists have criticized reconciliation and related forms of ‘alternative justice’ extensively but within the framework of maintaining social bonds and the rule of law. In this introduction, I reflect critically on the interdisciplinary scholarship on reconciliation, apology, and forgiveness, and theorize irreconciliation as a less examined lens of analysis. Rather than being in opposition to ‘peace’, irreconciliation allows us to interrogate the status quo by refusing to forgive endemic impunities, particularly in the aftermath of staged processes of justice and the absence-presence of the rule of law. In this special issue of the JRAI, I ethnographically explore irreconciliation's links with law, aesthetics, temporality, resistance, and control to locate its multiple analytical manifestations. Irreconciliation allows an important examination of the rule of law within processes of unresolved genocidal injustices and debates relating to slavery, Black Lives Matter, and institutional responses.     

Being held accountable: why attributing responsibility matters

Debates over reconciliation, atonement, forgiveness, and forgetting involve political and personal elements, with substantial investments and commitments. I contrast two perspectives: one stresses unconditional forgiveness independent of atonement; the other reflects on the importance of moral responsibility for the formation of the person. Being held accountable, for Ricoeur, matters for the development of the self. For Derrida, forgiveness is a defining aspect of being human, becoming debased when seen as a legal form of justice. I use philosophical arguments and ethnographic writings from Papua New Guinea, Cyprus, and the Holocaust to examine reconciliation and irreconciliation as strategies for either reaffirming or reimagining a common world.     

Law and the architecture of social repair: gacaca days in post‐genocide Rwanda

In this article, I examine post‐genocide Rwanda's gacaca process, in which genocide suspects were tried among their neighbours before locally elected judges. I suggest two limitations in how anthropologists have typically studied post‐conflict legal institutions. Measuring the cultural relevance of law obscures contemporary imbrications of African custom and universal legal principles, and distracts from analysis of the politicized uses of culture. Analysing structural constraints and coercive dimensions, while crucial, can blind us to the very real social work that happens in these forums. Instead, I argue, what differentiated gacaca was how deeply it was contextualized – embedded in daily life, public, participatory, routinized, and based on oral testimony – and this contextualization formed the basis of its situated relevance to people's efforts to shape forms of sociality. People used gacaca sessions to negotiate the micro‐politics of reconciliation, which included debating definitions of ‘genocide citizenship’, guilt, innocence, exchange, and material loyalty. I argue for moving beyond the underlying assumption in critical transitional justice studies that law and reconciliation are mutually exclusive, to acknowledge that the instrumental and often divisive dynamics in gacaca do not merely reflect institutional failures but, rather, reflect the inherent violence of social repair.     

Terror Warfare and the Medicine of Peace

Terror warfare's goal is to defeat political opposition by controlling populations through the fear of brutality. Mozambique's 1976–92 war stands as a prime example of this military strategy: over one million people, the vast majority of whom were civilians, were killed. Half of these casualties were children. Fully one-half of the population was directly affected by the war, and one-quarter had to flee their homes. As devastating as terror warfare is, it is destined to fail. People ultimately resist, and they do so in complex and creative ways. Rebuilding war-destroyed worlds, healing the wounds of violence, and crafting concepts of self-identity based on resistance to aggression become powerful conflict-resolution strategies among the average citizenry. The creative resources that Mozambicans developed to survive and end a very brutal war are among the most sophisticated I have seen anywhere in the world. Their war was against violence itself. [War, healing, creativity, conflict resolution, Mozambique]     

``Terror's Talk: Fieldwork and War'

My purpose in this essay is to raise some questions about what isinvolved in research on political violence. Since 1995 I haveconducted ethnographic research in rural villages throughoutAyacucho, the region of Peru most heavily affected by the warbetween the guerrilla group Sendero Luminoso, the rondascampesinas (armed peasant patrols) and the Peruvian armed forces.A key factor motivating my research was a desire to write againstthe culture of violence arguments that were used to ``explain'the war. The concept of a ``culture of violence' or ``endemicviolence' has frequently been attributed to the Andean region,particularly to the rural peasants who inhabit the highlands.I wanted to understand how people make and unmake lethal violencein a particular social and historical context, and to explore thepositioning and responsibilities of an anthropologist who conductsresearch in the context of war.     

Mythologising culture

In western Sydney, I found an extreme version of what I propose is a national Aboriginal mythopoeia, that is, a powerful system of beliefs and practices in relation to Aboriginal people and culture. A reified Aboriginal culture is promoted at institutional sites and in reconciliation discourses that evokes the presence of something precious and mysterious that must be re‐read into local Aboriginal people, but which assiduously avoids their actual circumstances and subjectivities. The awkward relationships and avoidances evident in a western Sydney reconciliation group are posited as a benign example of this mythology, born of a ‘sentimental politics’ of regret and reparation at work in Australia. Unity between the state and civil society is evident here, thus requiring an analysis that goes beyond a critique of government policies and programmes as intentional and rational, and grasps the nature of the widespread desire for Aboriginality. Through ethnographic attention to the actual relationships of Indigenous people and others, anthropologists can avoid being complicit in this regressive, separatist construction.     

Proximity and Distance: Vietnamese Memories of the War with the USA

By employing an intergenerational perspective, this article examines the ways in which memories about the war between Vietnam and the USA are engraved in the social and individual body in a northern Vietnamese rural community. Throughout the 1990s, Vietnam and the USA attempted to improve their postwar relationship. The current atmosphere of coming to terms with a past of war through coexistence and reconciliation fosters ambivalences and ambiguities in young postwar generations. On the one hand, they have to reconcile themselves to the pain and bitterness caused by the war. On the other, they have to bridge the gap between themselves and their parents and grandparents concerning the extent to which they are able to ‘forget the past and look toward the future’, as one national postwar strategy recommends. The article thus highlights the complex ways in which war and postwar generations in local Vietnam attempt to remember and/or forget brutality, sorrow and anger, in order to come to terms with what in Vietnam is referred to as the American War.     

Irreconciliation as practice: resisting impunity and closure in Argentina

In Argentina, irreconciliation is created through everyday practices of vigilance against closure and collective struggles against impunity. In this essay, I show how over several decades since the fall of the dictatorial regime (1976-83), human rights activists and laypeople have devised ways to keep the past alive while attending to injustices through embodied collective engagements with the country's history and its legacies. By examining large protests, the everyday experiences of impunity, and a filmic exploration of kinship bonds and their entanglement with civilian complicity in the repression, the essay illustrates the ways in which irreconciliation is materialized and enacted as a form of social reconstruction many years after state terrorism.     

On violence,intersectionality and transversal politics

The persistence of violence over the past several decades coupled with the explosive growth of intersectionality as a form of critical inquiry and praxis suggest that the connections between violence, intersecting power relations and political resistance remain highly salient. In this commentary, I ask, in what ways might continuing to focus on violence illuminate the connections between intersecting systems of power and on the contours of political resistance? To address this question, I revisit two themes in “The Tie That Binds: Race, Gender and US Violence”, namely, (1) how conceptualizing violence as a saturated site of intersecting power relations contributes to analyses of political domination and (2) how attending to the analyses and actions of African American women and similarly subordinated groups deepens understandings of flexible solidarity as a core feature of transversal politics.     

Perpetration,impunity, and irreconciliation in Canada's Truth and Reconciliation Commission on Indian Residential Schools

The influence of institutional mandates on knowledge can be seen particularly clearly in the preferences and absences of truth and reconciliation commission (TRC) proceedings. A recent trend in TRCs involves a shift away from the exercise of judicial powers and the quest for justice and towards more concern with affirming the experience of victims or ‘Survivors’. Canada's TRC on Indian Residential Schools illustrates the consequences of the shift towards victim-centrism, which left gaps in knowledge – particularly about perpetrators – that was conveyed to the commission and produced conditions of impunity for those responsible for mass harm. This impunity coalesced into irreconciliation as the commission gave voice to people who had been forgotten, marginalized, and given little chance in life, while leaving out of the picture those who had actually stolen their lives and dignity.     

The paradox of power-sharing: stability and fragility in postwar Lebanon

ABSTRACT

This article examines the consequences of civil war and power-sharing settlements for the development of sectarian networks of mobilization. While power-sharing presents a viable mechanism for ending civil war, it allows the participating militias-turned-parties access to state resources and leaves their population networks and organizations intact. This continuity reduces the militias-turned-parties’ start-up costs for violent mobilization in the future, enabling them to mobilize more effectively than new parties with no combat experience. I exploit rich variation in the wartime legacies and settlement status of the major postwar parties in Lebanon to explain whether and how parties mobilized during the clashes of May 2008, the most serious internal violence to plague Lebanon since the end of its civil war in 1990.     

How I learned to love the bomb: excavating pueblo politics,love, and salvaged technologies after conflict

This article analyses the human technology of affect in excavation work in contemporary Spain. While the government continues to avoid addressing crimes committed during the Civil War and the subsequent dictatorship, many Spaniards have taken it upon themselves to address the past. The setting is in Abánades, a right‐wing pueblo destroyed in battle that rebuilt itself through the collecting and selling of battlefield scrap metal. Whereas some archaeologists and heritage managers view the pueblo's obsession with bombs and bullets as strange, I show how the pueblo's deep affection (cariño) for war materials challenges singular narratives of understanding the past. By examining the discovery and care of these materials through sensorial tools – what I call salvage technologies – we can probe the affective mechanics involved in how knowledge of the past is intimately produced and actively challenged in Spain today.     

Converting the Spirit Spouse: The Violent Transformation of the Pentecostal Female Body in Maputo,Mozambique

This article discusses the forceful transformation of the female body in Brazilian Pentecostalism in urban Mozambique and argues for an understanding of Pentecostal conversion as embodying spiritual warfare. Presenting the case of avenging spirits, such as the spirit spouse, it explores how spirits interfere in women's new socio-economic positions and intimate relationships. Pentecostal women learn to stay in control of their body under guidance of the Holy Spirit and a ‘violent’ war against the spirit spouse unfolds. The prevalence of ‘violence’ implies that we should critically question a perception of conversion as bringing healing and harmony.     

Reflections on Teaching Social Violence in an Age of Genocide and a Time of War

This article is a reflection by a teacher and a student on "structural-violence pedagogy," the process of teaching and learning about the structures of inequality implicated in various forms of social violence, including those of everyday life, massacre, and genocide. Using a case study of an undergraduate course in anthropology, we explore the complexity and emotionally charged nature of this field, some innovative teaching strategies, and contributions of anthropology to understanding a world marked and marred by war, genocide, racialization, and structural poverty. The teacher shapes a course of study informed by critical pedagogy and theories about violence and power. The student draws on her personal experiences, her intellectual interests, and her yearning for fuller answers to deeper questions as she seeks to reciprocate what is being taught to her. Together, teacher and student explore the promise in the power of teaching for understanding the world as it does exist.     

Possibility,legitimacy, and the new ontologies of choice: a comment on Brubaker

In Trans, Rogers Brubaker makes a major argument about the contentious politics of the contemporary self. In this commentary, I first lay out what is think is the solidity of the book’s contrasting tableau of the functioning of race and gender in American society and beyond. I then point to Brubaker’s bundling together of issues of legitimacy and issues of ontology and begin to imagine what alternative analyses can come out of their unbundling – suggesting that race and gender are perhaps more analogous social formations than Trans argues. Finally, I bring attention to the role of ontological hierarchy in the formulation and policing of identity claims and conclude that the return of biology and the new empire of choice may not be two parallel, independent developments but one and the same process. Theoretically, I amplify one of the book’s epistemological contributions by calling for a reflexive turn in social-constructionist thought.     

Population structure and genetic diversity of wild <Emphasis Type="Italic">Helianthus</Emphasis> species from Mozambique

The production of sunflower suffered a major decline in Mozambique after its independence in 1975. Civil war, human activities and environmental damage subjected the species to an ecological stress contributing to reduce the number and size of wild populations. As this reduction is often related to a loss of genetic variation we estimated the genetic diversity within and among populations of wild Helianthus from five districts of Mozambique using RAPD markers. The 44 accessions studied grouped into four major clusters exhibiting structured variability with regard to geographic origin. A high level of genetic diversity (He = 0.350 and I = 0.527) was retained at the population level. The genetic variation among populations was high (59.7%), which is consistent with low gene flow (Nm = 0.338). The proportion of total genetic diversity residing among these populations should be kept in mind to devise different conservation strategies in order to preserve these populations. Currently wild Helianthus genetic resources present in Maputo and Sofala are on the edge of extinction mainly due to excessive urbanization. Therefore, conservation of what remains of this plant genetic diversity is essential for sustainable utilization and can be useful for breeding programs.     

Time at a Standstill: Loss,Accumulation, and the Past Conditional in an East Berlin Neighborhood

This article reconsiders the question of nostalgic consumption in East Germany as embedded not within a national or a regional (post-socialist) politics of time, as much literature has done, but rather within a global post-Fordist reconfiguration of the relation between time, consumption, and politics. Examining an underclass East Berlin neighborhood that has come to epitomize ‘pastness’, I show the salience of material prosperity – or its lack – in shaping the senses of time of its inhabitants. Especially for the younger generation, nostalgic commodities mediate the growing abyss between loss and accumulation, futures and pasts, nostalgic longings and unrealistic aspirations. I argue that the nexus of time, politics, and consumption has been transformed with the fading away of what has been called the future perfect (the political temporality of utopian projects) and its metamorphosis into what I term here the past conditional, the temporality of lost futures, irredeemable opportunities, and vanquished political imaginaries.     

De-indigenized but not defeated: race and resistance in Colombia's Peace Community and Campesino University

Despite the institution of multicultural policies and pluriethnic governments across Latin America, racist violence against Indigenous and Afro-descendant groups persists. Yet the racial facets of violence against non-ethnic campesinos remain unexplored. Integrating scholarship on race as a global structure and Latin American racial formations, I offer an account of racialization in Colombia. This article analyzes the racial dynamics of resistance to extractivism in Colombia's Campesino University, uniting Indigenous and campesino groups like the San José de Apartadó Peace Community. While the dominant race lexicon separates “campesinos” like San José's peasants from “Indigenous” and “Black” groups, I argue that the identifier campesino mestizo hides how San José's farmers were “de-indigenized” yet remain racialized as the less-than-human “Indigenous savage”. If racialization works to dominate but also divide the subaltern, then Campesino University participants’ cross-ethnic solidarity network against what they affirm is a shared experience of racist violence both unveils and counters racism.