A narrowing gyre? The Lega Nord and the shifting balance of Italian immigration policy

This article reflects on the relations between xenophobic parties and immigration policy in Italy. It argues that the salience of the Northern League (Lega Nord), the instability of the Italian party system and the recent transformation of Italy from an emigration country to an immigration country all contribute to Italy's difficulty in achieving a coherent immigration policy. Since the first comprehensive immigration policy emerged in 1998 with the Turco-Napolitano law, there have been six changes of government, with frequent oscillation between centre-right and centre-left coalitions. While the effects of these oscillations, particularly of the centre-right's effort to restrict immigrants’ rights and entry possibilities, have been dampened by the Italian courts and the European Union, it is still problematic to speak of an Italian model. Drawing on Carvalho's book, this article will address the effects of the Lega on creating and maintaining this policy imbalance.     

Constructing common sense: Language and ethnicity in Ukrainian public discourse

Immigrant integration policies are commonly assumed to be shaped by traditional understandings of citizenship and belonging. Accordingly, such policy frameworks are considered path-dependent and thus stable over time. The recent surge of radical right anti-immigrant parties in many Western European countries challenges this stability-thesis. Several scholars contend that this change in the party political landscape caused an illiberal turn, resulting in more restrictive integration policies. This paper tests whether integration policies are indeed challenged by radical right parties, or whether they remain path-dependent policy frameworks, using subnational comparative analysis. The results of our cross-sectional regression analysis over twenty six Swiss cantons reveal that cantonal integration policies reflect clear patterns of regional citizenship culture, suggesting that they remain stable policy frameworks. By contrast, the considerable electoral success of the right populist Swiss People's Party (SVP) over the last two decades did not directly result in more restrictive cantonal integration policies.     

Dissemination pathways of common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris,Fabaceae) deduced from phaseolin electrophoretic variability. II. Europe and Africa

Phaseolin type, determined by one-dimensional sodium dodecyl sulfate polyacrylamide gel electrophoresis, was used to suggest dissemination routes of common bean (Thaseolus vulgaris) cultivars from their areas of domestication to Europe and Africa. In the Iberian Peninsula, ‘C’ was the most frequent phaseolin type. Only in Chile has a comparably high ‘C’ frequency been observed previously, indicating that many Iberian cultivars may have been introduced from Chile, or that many Chilean cultivars may have come from the Iberian Peninsula. In Europe (outside the Iberian Peninsula), most cultivars exhibited a ‘T’ type. The high frequency of this type may be related to the high frequency of green pod cultivars among European cultivars. Most African cultivars exhibited a ‘T’ or a ‘C’ type and may have been introduced from Brazil, the Iberian Peninsula, or western Europe. ‘T’ or ‘C’ cultivars had larger seeds than ‘S’ cultivars. The phaseolin patterns of cultivars with different seed types and of early French cultivars are discussed.     

Giving the silent majority a stronger voice? Initiatives to empower Muslim women as part of the UK's ‘War on Terror’

Abstract

This article provides a gendered analysis of the ‘War on Terror’ in the UK context. Specifically it looks at initiatives to empower Muslim women, which were part of New Labour's Preventing Violent Extremism (PVE) agenda, the impetus for which stemmed from the idea that, as ‘the silent majority’, women need to be given a ‘stronger voice’. Based on analysis of qualitative interviews, this article situates these initiatives within a broader policy landscape of debates on multiculturalism, community cohesion and Britishness. It explores interviewees' understandings of Muslim women's silence in relation to those suggested by policy discourse, considering the ways in which the state's attempt to ‘give voice’ worked in practice. I argue that the operation of such initiatives continued to constrain Muslim women's voices, restricting ‘voice’ to a narrow range of speakers speaking about a narrow range of issues.     

Are radical right-wing parties the black holes in party space? Implications and limitations in impact assessment of radical right-wing parties

Radical right-wing parties have been a constant force in party systems of Western Europe since the late 1980s, despite cycles of development and support. Still, measurement of their impact has proven difficult. Scholars assessing the impact of radical right-wing parties in recent years have produced mixed findings in terms of whether effects tend to be direct or indirect and more or less salient. The recent book by Carvalho engages existing literature on impact assessment examining the cases of the UK, France and Italy. His findings caution against overstatement of impacts on immigration policy, suggesting that effects are contingent on party system competition and mainstream party agency. This article considers the mixed results pointing to a lack of existing tools for measuring indirect party impacts. It contends that existing theory on party impact struggles to conceptualize empty spaces in political ideology, attributing agency to moving parties and not to others that may be pushing them.     

Masters of hybridity: how activists reconstructed Nepali society

This article discusses the changes that activists have brought to Nepali society in relation to two key elements of Bruno Latour's actor-network theory (ANT): (1) its account of modernity and (2) its radical downplaying of human agency. ANT, contrary to the way it tends to be understood, deserves to be seen, at least in Latour's treatment, as a major theory of modernity. As such, it is important and enlightening, even though its attack on human agency – at least when discussing activism – is unhelpful. On this point Ian Hacking's notion of ‘making up people’ provides a better guide. The main example explored is the new kinds of ethnic identity that have achieved state recognition and become politically influential in Nepal over the last thirty years. The case of one ethnic and religious activist, Dr Keshabman Shakya, is used to illustrate the argument. Based on notions of human rights, rather similar processes of ‘making up people’ have also occurred with other minority groups, most strikingly in the case of the ‘third gender’, a context in which Nepal is famously ‘progressive’ compared to other nation-states in the region.     

Transnational dynamics in researching migrants: self-reflexivity and boundary-drawing in fieldwork

Abstract

This article links migrant transnationalism with methodological debates, in particular the researcher's positionalities and self-reflexivity, which have so far barely been addressed in transnational studies in any systematic manner. Drawing upon my fieldwork experience in a German city, ‘Schönberg’, it examines the process of boundary-drawing and re-drawing between the research participants and the researcher. While there is undeniably a clear power hierarchy between the two parties that originates in national belonging, other positionalities such as gender, ethnicity, class and stage in the life cycle may, at their intersection, work to reverse such an asymmetrical relationship. Boundaries between ‘us’ and ‘them’ are not static and are, rather, created in a situational manner. Thus, attending to multiple positionalities in their intersection in research processes may help the researcher to re-evaluate the naturalized primacy given to national belonging.     

The mainstream right and the politics of immigration in France: Major developments in the 1980s

This article describes a typology of international migrants, particularly as applies to the situation in western Europe since World War II, and it discusses the applicability of the various types of migrant categories thus identified for the analysis of immigration policy in France during the 1980s. Approaches and criteria in the political analysis of immigration policy are discussed. The subsequent presentation focuses especially on the orientations about immigration of the country's mainstream right‐wing parties, while in and out of government. In conclusion, the article addresses likely future concerns of the politics of immigration in France, especially in the light of an increasing nervousness that Islamic fundamentalism in former north‐African colonies in the French sphere of influence will lead to greater ethno‐religious tensions in mainland France.     

Contextual explanations of radical right-wing support in Sweden: socioeconomic marginalization,group threat,and the halo effect

This paper provides a thorough test of important contextual explanations of variation in electoral support for radical right-wing parties. It has been proposed that support of the radical right is particularly strong in areas that are socioeconomically poor and/or where the concentration of immigrants is high. A variant of the latter hypothesis, known as the ‘halo effect’, states that the propensity to vote for the radical right is highest in areas close to immigrant-dense areas, but not within these areas. The data analyses are based on the total population of voting districts in Sweden (N = 5,668), which makes it possible to avoid some of the problems that usually plague studies of contextual effects on voting, such as low numbers of observations. The results demonstrate support for the socioeconomic marginalization hypothesis and, when controlling for socioeconomic factors, the halo effect hypothesis; whereas the support for group threat theory is mixed.     

Language analysis in the United Kingdom's refugee status determination system: seeing through policy claims about ‘expert knowledge’

This paper examines claims made about the role of ‘expert knowledge’ in analysing the language of individuals seeking asylum in the UK. I treat policy as a type of power and seek to understand how this policy uses the language of science to further the British government's stated interest to provide ‘secure borders’ and a ‘safe haven’ for refugees. I look at how the Home Office defines, shapes and implements the policy, and at how the policy has influenced judicial decisions. In short I unmask UKBA's claim that it relies upon expert, scientific knowledge to assess asylum claims.     

Craniological differentiation between European wildcats (Felis silvestris silvestris), African wildcats (F. s. lybica) and Asian wildcats (F. s. ornata): implications for their evolution and conservation

Intraspecific diversification of the wildcat (Felis silvestris), including the European wildcat (F. s. silvestris), the Asian wildcat (F. s. ornata) and the African wildcat (F. s. lybica), was examined based on 39 cranial morphology variables. The samples of free‐ranging cats originated from Britain, Europe, Central Asia and southern Africa, consisting of both nominal wildcat specimens (referred to henceforth as ‘wildcats’) and nominal non‐wildcat specimens (‘non‐wildcats’) based on museum labels. The skull morphology of ‘wildcats’ from Britain and Europe is clearly different from that of ‘wildcats’ of Central Asia and southern Africa. The latter are characterized especially by their proportionately larger cheek teeth. On the basis of principal component, discriminant function and canonical variate analyses, the skull morphology of British ‘non‐wildcats’ is less distinct than is that of British ‘wildcats’ from the skull morphologies of ‘wildcats’ of Central Asia and southern Africa. On the other hand, the skull morphology of southern African ‘non‐wildcats’ is as distinct from those of ‘wildcats’ of Britain and Europe as is that of southern African ‘wildcats’. We suggest that the evolution of the modern wildcat probably consisted of at least three different distribution expansions punctuated by two differentiation events: the exodus from Europe during the late Pleistocene, coinciding with the emergence of the steppe wildcat lineage (phenotype of Asian–African wildcat), followed by its rapid range expansion in the Old World. The second differentiation event was the emergence of the domestic cat followed by its subsequent colonization of the entire world with human assistance. Considering the recent evolutionary history of, and morphological divergence in, the wildcat, preventing hybridization between the European wildcat and the domestic cat is a high conservation priority. © 2004 The Linnean Society of London, Biological Journal of the Linnean Society, 2004, 83 , 47–63.     

The child's best interest in gamete donation

Procreation with donor gametes is widespread and commonly accepted, but it involves ethical questions about the child's best interest. Understanding the historical structures of the moral discussion of gamete donation may contribute to reflecting on the child's best interest. This is why I have analysed the debate on gamete donation in the Netherlands, and this analysis has uncovered some striking discontinuities. Notions of the child's best interest have undergone a radical swing. In the past, it was considered acceptable to conceal the truth about the child's biological origin, but in the past two decades the general opinion has changed to the common belief that this information should be shared with the child. This changed notion of the child's best interest will be analysed using a framework encompassing three views of the child, which derive from the debate on children's rights. These three views each provide a different interpretation of the child's moral and political status. I conclude that the changed notion of the child's best interest results from a view of the child that focuses on autonomy and citizenship, and which frames the child's interests according to its legal status. I comment on this view and I champion an alternative one, namely ‘the embedded child’. This is a relational view based on care ethics that goes beyond what can be articulated in law, and that will help to establish a more balanced interpretation of the child's best interest at the practice and policy levels of gamete donation.     

The Roma in Macedonia: Ethnic politics and the marginal condition in a Balkan state

Most of Eastern Europe's five‐to‐seven‐million Roma (Gypsies) welcomed the revolutions of 1989 only to realize that the post‐communist era brought mixed blessing to them. Although since then their political and cultural marginalization had diminished, their social and economic circumstances had clearly deteriorated in East Central Europe and the Balkans alike. The only exception to this rule appears to be the newly independent Republic of Macedonia, where the Roma's conditions in many respects are far superior to those of their counterparts elsewhere in the region. There are several reasons for this phenomenon. In the economic realm the Macedonian Roma's situation has also worsened (although still much better than that of the Roma in other Balkan states) but not as a result of ethnic discrimination but owing to the economic hardships accompanying the post‐communist transitions. In the political sphere, the Roma in Macedonia have benefited from a state whose representatives are willing to rise above sympathetic rhetoric and take concrete steps to alleviate their problems as well as from relatively well organized Romani political parties. Most important, however, are the differences between societal attitudes towards the Roma in Macedonia and elsewhere in Eastern Europe. In Macedonia the Roma's relations with the dominant ethnic group (Macedonians) are primarily characterized by ‘peaceful coexistence’ rather than tension and animosity. Moreover, Romani communities in Macedonia are less isolated from non‐Roma both culturally and socio‐economically. This state of affairs is the result of a number of related factors, most important of which are that the Romani community does not represent a threat to Macedonians given their numerical weakness and lack of political clout in contradistinction to the very real threat posed by the ethnic Albanian community in the country. In turn, the Roma's relations to ethnic Albanians and Turks remain relatively agreeable as well.     

Templates and exclusions: victim centrism in Canada's Truth and Reconciliation Commission on Indian residential schools

In this article I use an ethnographic approach to consider the causes and consequences of a focus on ‘survivor’ experience in Canada's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) on Indian residential schools. In this Truth Commission, the interconnected concepts of ‘survivor’, ‘cultural genocide’, ‘trauma’, and ‘healing’ became reference points for much of the testimony that was presented and the ways the schools were represented. Canada's Truth Commission thus offers an example of the consequences of ‘victim centrism’, including the ways that ‘truth‐telling’ can be influenced by the affirmation of particular survivor experiences and the wider goal of reforming the dominant historical narrative of the state through public education. Canada's TRC was limited by its mandate to a particular kind of institution and scope of collective harm. It was at the same time active in its creation of narrative templates, which guided the expression of traumatic personal experience and affirmed the category of residential school ‘survivor’ as the focal point for understanding policy‐driven loss of language, tradition, and political integrity.     

Cranial variation in the European badger Meles meles (Carnivora,Mustelidae) in Scandinavia

Morphometric variation in 30 craniometric characters of 465 skulls of the European badgers (Meles meles) from across Europe was analysed. Multivariate analyses revealed that the populations from Norway, Sweden, and Finland differ from other European populations in having smaller skulls. The analyses also revealed significant differences between the ‘south‐western Norwegian’ and ‘main Fennoscandian’ forms. On average, badgers from south‐west Norway were smaller than those of the remaining Fennoscandia. Morphological differences between the ‘south‐western Norwegian’ and ‘main Fennoscandian’ populations of M. meles suggest a possible in situ semisympatric divergence since the beginning of the Holocene warming, or a complex history of two groups involving at least two colonization routes. The small‐sized Scandinavian badgers may be close to the ancestral form that used to be widespread in Denmark and throughout Europe. The animals from south‐west Norway may instead be descendants of ancestors that were the first to penetrate the southern parts of the Scandinavian Peninsula. The ‘main Fennoscandian’ badgers are likely to have been the descendants of the second wave of recolonization of Scandinavia. Specifically, they might have colonized the Scandinavian Peninsula from the east after the last glaciation.     

The Interdiction of Music in Islam

There is no authorisation in the Qur'an for the interdiction on music. That interdiction, when it is voiced, is the product of a conviction among some Muslims, supported by hadith (just as it is opposed with hadith) that Islam does not countenance music. In a country such as Pakistan, with a strong tradition of devotional music which (taken with the poetry, with which it is always associated) has become entwined with the identity politics of the provinces or sub‐‘nations’ which make up the vaster nation, a comprehensive ban on music would be impossible to enforce, though there are ‘ulamā’ and sectarian parties who desire it. This paper focuses on an instance where music is even harder to extricate from an accompanying text: the recitation of the Qur'ān. In the eyes of Muslims, Qur'anic recitation is not music. This denial raises further questions about the nature of music and, in particular, its involvement with the ‘extramusical’. Adorno's observations on the relation of music to language, and the anthropologist Friedson's complaint that ethnographers focus on text, at the expense of music, are examined in the light of the circumstance that the world over, music is associated with texts of one kind or another. Even when, as in the case of the ‘curing’ ritual described by Friedson, words are unimportant, or missing, music is seldom a phenomenological whole. Music ‘leans’, or is ‘leant on’: it lends its unrivalled ‘eloquence’ to many a cause, from commodity marketing to the structured working out of ritual, or, among lovers, to the remembered quality of experience. All these potentialities of music are relevant to the question of its interdiction and to the Muslim denial that the recitation of the Qur'ān is music.     

Perverse Frictions: Pride,Dignity, and the Budapest LGBT March

Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) marches are critical and contentious events throughout post-socialist Europe: key sites of emerging sexual politics, shifting tensions between national and transnational meanings, and competing visions of citizenship. Since 1997 a ‘Pride March’, in 2008 Budapest's LGBT march was renamed the ‘Dignity March’. Taking this change as its focus, this paper explores debates within and outside Hungary's LGBT community about the meanings of ‘Pride’, ‘Dignity’, and sexuality. I argue these debates reveal competing efforts to negotiate the perilous boundaries between national and transnational discourses of identity, politics, and belonging. Situating them within Hungary's shifting political context, including recent violent attacks on the March, I suggest the move from the politics of Pride to the politics of Dignity has failed to escape the frictions of intersecting global and local discourses, instead invoking new cultural–political tensions, exclusionary boundaries, and dilemmas of identity, belonging, and politics for Hungarian LGBT people and activism.     

Opposing the veil in the name of liberalism: popular attitudes to liberalism and Muslim veiling in the Netherlands

Is popular antagonism towards Muslim veils in Europe rooted in an exclusionary ‘enlightenment liberalism’? By examining different conceptions of liberalism and readings of veiling in a Dutch survey from 2014, we present the first study that investigates this question empirically. We thus bring together two hitherto largely unconnected literatures. The first is the work on immigration and ethnicity, which has shown the centrality of enlightenment liberalism in anti-Muslim media and policy discourses. The second is the literature on anti-Muslim attitudes in public opinion, which explains support for veil bans as the result of perceiving veils as threatening the respondent's own, supposedly liberal, values – but has failed to distinguish between different conceptions of liberalism and thus reached inconclusive results. This, we show, can be remedied by distinguishing between ‘enlightenment liberals’, who hold negative attitudes, and ‘reformation liberals’, who hold positive attitudes towards Muslim veils.