The hierarchy of virtue: mutualism, altruism and signaling in Martu women's cooperative hunting

Cooperative hunting is often assumed to be mutualistic, maintained through returns to scale, where, by working together, foragers can gain higher per capita return rates or harvest sizes than they can by hunting alone. We test this hypothesis among Martu hunters and find that cooperation only provides increased returns to poorer hunters while disadvantaging better hunters. Even so, better hunters still cooperate as frequently as poorer hunters. We ask whether better hunters are advantaged in secondary sharing distributions or whether they bias their partner choice to kin or household members. We find that better hunters are not more likely to pair up with kin and they do not gain consumption benefits from acquiring more. They share a greater proportion of their harvest than poorer hunters: no matter how much one produces — better hunter, worse hunter, cooperator, solitary hunter — all eat the same amount in the end. Such a result suggests the hypothesis that cooperation might be a costly signal of commitment to the public interest on the part of better hunters, which generates trust among camp members and facilitates strong social networks, particularly among women, who cooperate more than men. While some foragers may benefit through cooperation from returns to scale or risk reduction, others may benefit more through signaling commitment and generating trust.     

Cooperative hunting roles among taï chimpanzees

All known chimpanzee populations have been observed to hunt small mammals for meat. Detailed observations have shown, however, that hunting strategies differ considerably between populations, with some merely collecting prey that happens to pass by while others hunt in coordinated groups to chase fast-moving prey. Of all known populations, Taï chimpanzees exhibit the highest level of cooperation when hunting. Some of the group hunting roles require elaborate coordination with other hunters as well as precise anticipation of the movements of the prey. The meat-sharing rules observed in this community guarantee the largest share of the meat to hunters who perform the most important roles leading to a capture. The learning time of such hunting roles is sometimes especially long. Taï chimpanzee males begin hunting monkeys at about age 10. The hunters’ progress in learning the more sophisticated hunting roles is clearly correlated with age; only after 20 years of practice are they able to perform them reliably. This lengthy learning period has also been shown in some hunter-gatherer societies and confirms the special challenge that hunting represents.     

Promoting hunting tourism in north Sweden: opinions of local hunters

Hunting tourism can help to diversify local economies in rural areas. In northern Sweden, hunting tourism has the potential to counteract outmigration and unemployment, but may entail ecological and social risks. I used a mail survey of 2,110 hunters in rural northern Sweden to assess attitudes toward hunting tourism. Respondents emphasized the importance of hunting to maintain economical, social, and cultural values in the rural areas. Most hunters estimated that game contributed equal or larger amount of meat to their household than meat bought commercially. Few respondents had first hand experience of hunting tourism and they were divided on their attitude towards promoting hunting tourism. Many (46%) were uncertain about their attitude towards hunting tourism; 36% were positive and 18% were negative. Ethical values on using wildlife in hunting tourism and the attitude towards new hunters coming to hunt influenced attitudes on development of hunting tourism. Hunters that were positive to hunting tourism believed that it would create new jobs. Because hunting in Sweden is highly organized and collective, there are no models of hunting tourism adapted to the hunting culture in northern Sweden. The uncertainty of the potential local benefits from a development of hunting tourism should be placed within a research framework, especially in the northernmost parts where governmental undertakings are large and the state can influence land use.     

Why do men seek status? Fitness payoffs to dominance and prestige

In many human societies, high male social status associates with higher fertility, but the means by which status increases lifetime fitness have not been systematically investigated. We analyse the pathways by which male status begets reproductive success in a small-scale, Amerindian society. Men who are more likely to win a dyadic physical confrontation, i.e. dominant men, have higher intra-marital fertility for their age, and men with more community-wide influence, i.e. prestigious men, exhibit both higher intra-marital fertility and lower offspring mortality. Both forms of status elicit support from allies and deference from competitors, but high status men are not provisioned more than their peers. Prestigious but not dominant men marry wives who first give birth at earlier ages, which multivariate analysis suggests is the strongest pathway between status and fitness in this population. Furthermore, men are motivated to pursue status because of fitness gains both within and outside of marital unions: dominant and prestigious men have more in-pair surviving offspring as well as more extra-marital affairs.     

Household and Kin Provisioning by Hadza Men

We use data collected among Hadza hunter-gatherers between 2005 and 2009 to examine hypotheses about the causes and consequences of men’s foraging and food sharing. We find that Hadza men foraged for a range of food types, including fruit, honey, small animals, and large game. Large game were shared not like common goods, but in ways that significantly advantaged producers’ households. Food sharing and consumption data show that men channeled the foods they produced to their wives, children, and their consanguineal and affinal kin living in other households. On average, single men brought food to camp on 28% of days, married men without children at home on 31% of days, and married men with children at home on 42% of days. Married men brought fruit, the least widely shared resource, to camp significantly more often than single men. A model of the relationship between hunting success and household food consumption indicates that the best hunters provided 3–4 times the amount of food to their families than median or poor hunters. These new data fill important gaps in our knowledge of the subsistence economy of the Hadza and uphold predictions derived from the household and kin provisioning hypotheses. Key evidence and assumptions backing prior claims that Hadza hunting is largely a form of status competition were not replicated in our study. In light of this, family provisioning is a more viable explanation for why good hunters are preferred as husbands and have higher fertility than others.     

A noisy signal: To what extent are Hadza hunting reputations predictive of actual hunting skills?

The measurement of hunting ability has been central to several debates about the goals of men's hunting among the Hadza and other hunter-gatherer populations. Hunting ability has previously been measured indirectly, by weighing the amount of food individuals bring back to camp over an extended period, their central place hunting return rate, and by conducting hunting ability interviews. Despite the centrality of the hunting ability concept, some authors (Hill & Kintigh, 2009) have expressed scepticism that such measures accurately capture individual differences in actual hunting ability. In the current study, we introduce a novel measure of hunting reputation which, unlike previous ones, allows fine-grained distinction between hunters of all reputations. To assess the suitability of this measure as a viable proxy for hunting ability, we address two further questions. First, to what extent do interviewees agree about the hunting ability of their present and former campmates? Second, to what extent does this measure of hunting reputation reflect success in four tasks expected to capture important components of hunting ability? We demonstrate that these measures of hunting reputation appear to reflect variation in these skills. We argue, however, that hunting reputation appears too noisy an index of these skills and, we infer, hunting ability in general for hunting to act, as some have suggested (e.g. Hawkes & Bird, 2002), as an honest signal of cryptic qualities related to hunting ability.     

Habitat preferences of ptarmigan hunters in Norway

Hunting for willow ptarmigan (Lagopus lagopus) is a popular recreational activity in Norway, but studies of the hunters are limited. While large game management in Norway is based on sound models and research, management of small game hunters and hunting have not been subject to the same rigour. Compared to the extensive body of knowledge about ptarmigan behaviour and habitat preferences, the knowledge base on ptarmigan hunters is very limited. We surveyed the habitat preferences of 3,056 hunters to identify preferred landscape categories using pictures covering a range of landscape types. We also examined to which extent residence types and forms of hunting were related to habitat preferences. Through factor analysis, we identified three categories of hunting habitat; mountain forest, low alpine and high alpine. Mode of hunting is more important than residence status in terms of preferred habitat. Hunters using dogs preferred mountain forest and low alpine habitats more than hunters without dogs. Hunters without dogs had a higher preference than dog hunters for high alpine habitats. Hunters with mixed modes of hunting have wider habitat preferences. Residence status only affects the perception of the mountain forest habitat. The results may have implications for management as land use and place-based meanings are currently changing in many natural and rural landscapes, and hunting needs to be integrated with other recreational uses.     

Can recreational hunting contribute to pest mammal control on public land in Australia?

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Significance of the social relationships of Efe Pygmy men in the Ituri forest,Zaire

Efe Pygmies in northeast Zaire exhibit features of social organization (small group size, flexible but predominantly patrilocal residence, close relations with kin, and pair bonds) that are common to many hunting and gathering societies. This study uses methods commonly employed in studies of nonhuman primates to investigate the associations of Efe men with other individuals as a function of their age, sex, and kinship, and it tests the hypothesis that Efe are patrilocal because hunting efficiency is improved by hunting with male relatives. The analyses of 376 hours of focal behavior observations on 16 Efe men and observations of 71 cooperative group hunts show that the majority of associations between Efe men were with other adult men. Men associated preferentially with kin over nonkin, and they associated with close kin more than with distant kin. Men's close relationships (what we call “Companionships” sensu Smuts' “Friendships” in baboons) were predominantly with other adult men, but each man who cohabited with a woman had his strongest Companionship by far with that woman. Neither the efficiency of hunts nor the hunting success of individual men were found to be related to the degree of relatedness of hunters nor the proportion of relatives on the hunt. Alternative hypotheses concerning the functional significance of patrilocality and male kin groups are considered. We conclude that strong affiliative bonds between male kin and between males and females may arise as much from the need for strong allies in the face of competitive social situations as from economic or ecological necessity.     

Diverse University Students Across the United States Reveal Promising Pathways to Hunter Recruitment and Retention

Declining participation in hunting, especially among young adult hunters, affects the ability of state and federal agencies to achieve goals for wildlife management and decreases revenue for conservation. For wildlife agencies hoping to engage diverse audiences in hunter recruitment, retention, and reactivation (R3) efforts, university settings provide unique advantages: they contain millions of young adults who are developmentally primed to explore new activities, and they cultivate a social atmosphere where new identities can flourish. From 2018 to 2020, we surveyed 17,203 undergraduate students at public universities across 22 states in the United States to explore R3 potential on college campuses and assess key demographic, social, and cognitive correlates of past and intended future hunting behavior. After weighting to account for demographic differences between our sample and the larger student population, 29% of students across all states had hunted in the past. Students with previous hunting experience were likely to be white, male, from rural areas or hunting families, and pursuing degrees related to natural resources. When we grouped students into 1 of 4 categories with respect to hunting (i.e., non-hunters [50%], potential hunters [22%], active hunters [26%], and lapsed hunters [3%]), comparisons revealed differences based on demographic attributes, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors. Compared to active hunters, potential hunters were more likely to be females or racial and ethnic minorities, and less likely to experience social support for hunting. Potential hunters valued game meat and altruistic reasons for hunting, but they faced unique constraints due to lack of hunting knowledge and skills. Findings provide insights for marketing and programming designed to achieve R3 objectives with a focus on university students. © 2021 The Wildlife Society.     

The optimal foraging theory, crowding and Swedish grouse hunters

Hunters that have options to hunt in different areas should evaluate their previous hunting success when they decide where to hunt. Following optimal foraging theory for non-human predators, we investigated if hunting success and density of other hunters on the hunting area will affect the probability of return to the same area, and if such behavioural changes will result in a higher hunting success compared to hunters that change to a new area. For this purpose, we used detailed information about willow grouse (Lagopus lagopus) hunters on state-owned land in Sweden. We found support for the optimal foraging theory application on grouse hunters’ behavioural changes according to hunting success. The return rate increased with increasing hunting success, and hunters that returned to the same area also increased their success compared to hunters that changed to a new area. Only one third of the hunters returned to the same area the subsequent year. We also found a negative effect of density of hunters in an area on hunters’ return rates and their hunting success, suggesting crowding among Swedish grouse hunters.     

Hunting rates and hunting success in the spotted hyena (Crocuta crocuta)

Hunting group size, hunting rates and hunting success were monitored over a seven-year period among members of one large clan of spotted hyenas ( Crocuta crocuta ) inhabiting the Masai Mara National Reserve, in south-west Kenya. Prey availability varied seasonally in this study area, and hyenas tended to hunt whichever prey species were most abundant during each month of the year. Over 75% of 272 hunting attempts were made by lone hyenas, even when they hunted antelope three times their own body mass, such as wildebeest and topi. Of all prey that were commonly hunted, only zebra were usually hunted in groups. Approximately one-third of all hunting attempts resulted in prey capture. Although no significant sex differences were observed in juvenile or adult hunting rates, low-ranking adult females hunted at significantly higher hourly rates than did higher-ranking females. Hunting success was not influenced by the social rank of hunters, but hunting group size and hunter's age strongly influenced success. Young hyenas were poor hunters, and did not achieve adult competency levels until they were 5–6 years old.     

Public Access for Pheasant Hunters: Understanding an Emerging Need

Ring-necked pheasant (Phasianus colchicus; i.e., pheasant) hunting participation is declining across North America, reflecting a larger downward trend in American hunting participation and threatening benefits to grassland conservation and rural economies. To stabilize and expand the pheasant hunting population, we must first identify factors that influence pheasant hunter participation. We used an extensive in-person hunter survey to test the hypothesis that hunter demographics interact with social-ecological traits of hunting locations to affect hunter decisions, outcomes, and perceptions. We built a series of Bayesian mixed effects models to parse variation in demographics, perceptions, and hunt outcomes of pheasant hunters interviewed at public access hunting sites across 3 regions in Nebraska, USA, that varied in pheasant abundance and proximity to urban population centers. Among pheasant hunters in Nebraska, access to private lands was negatively related to the human population density of a pheasant hunter's home ZIP code and the distance a hunter had traveled to reach a hunting location. Pheasant hunters interviewed closer to metropolitan areas tended to be more urban and travel shorter distances, and their parties were more likely to include youth but less likely to include dogs. Hunter satisfaction was positively associated with seeing and harvesting pheasants and hunting with youth. Whereas youth participation and the number of pheasants seen varied by study region, hunter satisfaction did not differ across regions, suggesting that hunters may calibrate their expectations and build their parties based on where they plan to hunt. The variation in hunter demographics across hunting locations and disconnects between social and ecological correlates of hunter satisfaction suggests that diverse pheasant hunting constituencies will be best served by diverse pheasant hunting opportunities. © 2019 The Wildlife Society.     

Why do good hunters have higher reproductive success?

Anecdotal evidence from many hunter-gatherer societies suggests that successful hunters experience higher prestige and greater reproductive success. Detailed quantitative data on these patterns are now available for five widely dispersed cases (Ache, Hadza, !Kung, Lamalera, and Meriam) and indicate that better hunters exhibit higher age-corrected reproductive success than other men in their social group. Leading explanations to account for this pattern are: (1) direct provisioning of hunters’ wives and offspring, (2) dyadic reciprocity, (3) indirect reciprocity, (4) costly signaling, and (5) phenotypic correlation. I examine the qualitative and quantitative evidence bearing on these explanations and conclude that although none can be definitively rejected, extensive and apparently unconditional sharing of large game somewhat weakens the first three explanations. The costly signaling explanation has support in some cases, although the exact nature of the benefits gained from mating or allying with or deferring to better hunters needs further study. For comments on earlier drafts, I thank Monique Borgerhoff Mulder, Mike Gurven, Ray Hames, Kristen Hawkes, Kim Hill, Robert Kelly, Frank Marlowe, John Patton, and Polly Wiessner. Rebecca Bliege Bird and Douglas W. Bird invited me to collaborate in the Meriam research and (along with Del Passi of Mer) collected the data on Meriam demography. Geoff Kushnick and Matt Wimmer ably assisted with coding and statistical analysis of these data. Eric Alden Smith (PhD 1980, Cornell University) is a professor of anthropology at the University of Washington, Seattle. His research interests include the links between production and reproduction, the ecology and evolution of collective action, and politics in small-scale societies. He has conducted fieldwork among Inuit on Hudson Bay, Meriam in Torres Strait, and Mardu Aborigines in the Australian Western Desert.     

Drivers of Bushmeat Hunting and Perceptions of Zoonoses in Nigerian Hunting Communities

Bushmeat hunting threatens biodiversity and increases the risk of zoonotic pathogen transmission. Nevertheless, limited information exists on patterns of contact with wildlife in communities that practice bushmeat hunting, especially with respect to social drivers of hunting behavior. We used interview responses from hunters and non-hunters in rural hunting communities in Nigeria to: 1) quantify contact rates with wildlife, 2) identify specific hunting behaviors that increase frequency of contact, 3) identify socioeconomic factors that predispose individuals to hunt, and 4) measure perceptions of risk. Participants engaged in a variety of behaviors that increased contact with wild animals, including: butchering to sell (37%), being injured (14%), using body parts for traditional medicine (19%), collecting carcasses found in forests and/or farms (18%), and keeping as pets (16%). Hunters came into contact with wildlife significantly more than non-hunters, even through non-hunting exposure pathways. Participants reported hunting rodents (95%), ungulates (93%), carnivores (93%), primates (87%), and bats (42%), among other prey. Reported hunting frequencies within taxonomic groups of prey were different for different hunting behaviors. Young age, lower education level, larger household size, having a father who hunts, and cultural group were all associated with becoming a hunter. Fifty-five percent of respondents were aware that they could contract diseases from wild animals, but only 26% of these individuals reported taking protective measures. Overall, hunters in this setting frequently contact a diversity of prey in risky ways, and the decision to become a hunter stems from family tradition, modified by economic necessity. Conservation and public health interventions in such settings may be most efficient when they capitalize on local knowledge and target root socio-economic and cultural drivers that lead to hunting behavior. Importantly, interventions that target consumption alone will not be sufficient; other drivers and modes of interaction with wildlife must also be considered.     

Zoonotic Disease Risk and the Bushmeat Trade: Assessing Awareness Among Hunters and Traders in Sierra Leone

The bushmeat industry has been a topic of increasing importance among both conservationists and public health officials for its influence on zoonotic disease transmission and animal conservation. While the association between infectious diseases and the bushmeat trade is well established in the research community, risk perception among bushmeat hunters and traders has not been well characterized. I conducted surveys of 123 bushmeat hunters and traders in rural Sierra Leone to investigate hunting practices and awareness of zoonotic disease risk associated with the bushmeat trade. Twenty-four percent of bushmeat hunters and traders reported knowledge of disease transmission from animals to humans. Formal education did not significantly affect awareness of zoonotic disease transmission. Individuals who engaged exclusively in preparation and trading of bushmeat were more likely to accidentally cut themselves compared to those who primarily engaged in bushmeat hunting (P < 0.001). In addition, women involved in the bushmeat trade were at greater risk of exposing themselves to potential zoonotic pathogens through accidental self-cutting compared to men (P < 0.01). This study collected preliminary information on risk perception among bushmeat hunters that could guide the creation of a future public health-based education program to minimize zoonotic disease transmission risk among vulnerable communities.     

An unusual case of cooperative hunting in a solitary carnivore

Cooperative hunting has been documented for several group-living carnivores and had been invoked as either the cause or the consequence of sociality. We report the first detailed observation of cooperative hunting for a solitary species, the Malagasy fossa (Cryptoprocta ferox). We observed a 45 min hunt of a 3 kg arboreal primate by three male fossas. The hunters changed roles during the hunt and subsequently shared the prey. We hypothesize that social hunting in fossas could have either evolved to take down recently extinct larger lemur prey, or that it could be a by-product of male sociality that is beneficial for other reasons.     

Influence of Landscape Characteristics on Hunter Space Use and Success

Sport hunting of ungulates is a predominant recreational pursuit and the primary tool for managing their populations in North America and beyond, given its influence on ungulate distributions, social organization, and population performance. Similarly, land management, such as motorized vehicle access, influences ungulate distributions during and outside hunting seasons. Although research on ungulate responses to hunting and land use is widespread, knowledge gaps persist about space use of hunters and what landscape features discriminate among hunt types and between successful and unsuccessful hunters. We used telemetry location data from hunters (n = 341) to estimate space use from 2008–2013 during 3 types of controlled, 5-day hunts for antlered mule deer (Odocoileus hemionus) and elk (Cervus canadensis) in northeastern Oregon, USA: archery elk, rifle deer, and rifle elk. To evaluate space use, we developed utilization distributions for each hunter, created core areas (50% contours) for groups of hunters, and derived several metrics of space-use overlap between successful and unsuccessful hunters. We also modeled predictors of space use using resource utilization functions with beta regression and stepwise model building. Hunter space use was compressed, with even the largest core area (unsuccessful rifle elk hunters) encompassing <16% (1,178 ha) of the area. We found strong similarities in space use of rifle hunters compared to archers, and core areas of successful hunters were markedly smaller than those of unsuccessful hunters (e.g., = 104 ha vs. 681 ha, respectively, for archers). Percentage cover and distance from open roads were the most consistent covariates in the 6 final models (successful vs. unsuccessful for each of 3 hunts) but with different signs. For example, predicted use of archery and rifle elk hunters increased with cover but decreased for rifle deer hunters. Although the same covariates were in the final models for unsuccessful and successful rifle elk hunters, their negligible spatial overlap suggested they sought those features in different locales, a pattern also documented for rifle deer hunters. Our models performed well (Spearman's rank correlation coefficients = 0.99 for 5 of 6 models), reflecting their utility for managing hunters and landscapes. Our results suggest that strategic management of open roads and forest cover can benefit managers seeking to balance hunter opportunity and satisfaction with harvest objectives, especially for species of special concern such as mule deer, and that differences in space use among hunter groups should be accounted for in hunting season designs. © 2021 The Wildlife Society. This article has been contributed to by US Government employees and their work is in the public domain in the USA.     

Hunting income patterns among the Hadza: big game, common goods, foraging goals and the evolution of the human diet.

The assumption that large mammal hunting and scavenging are economically advantageous to hominid foragers is examined in the light of data collected among the Hadza of northern Tanzania. Hadza hunters disregard small prey in favour of larger forms (mean adult mass greater than or equal to 40 kg). Here we report experimental data showing that hunters would reduce their mean rates if they included small animals in the array they target. Still, daily variance in large animal hunting returns is high, and the risk of failure correspondingly great, significantly greater than that associated with small game hunting and trapping. Sharing large kills reduces the risk of meatless days for big game hunters, and obviates the problem of storing large amounts of meat. It may be unavoidable if large carcasses cannot be defended economically against the demands of other consumers. If so, then large prey are common goods. A hunter may gain no consumption advantage from his own big game acquisition efforts. We use Hadza data to model this 'collective action' problem, and find that an exclusive focus on large game with extensive sharing is not the optimal strategy for hunters concerned with maximizing their own chances of eating meat. Other explanations for the emergence and persistence of this practice must be considered.