Ethnoarchaeology among the Efe pygmies,Zaire: Spatial organization of campsites

This paper examines the physical structure of present-day Efe Pygmy campsites through study of the relationships between behavior patterns and their material residues. Campsites consist of five main components: the perimeter, huts, fireplaces, trash heaps, and the central open area enclosed within the arrangement of huts. Most campsite activities are performed within the perimeter, and exterior fireplaces associated with huts are the focus of a variety of daily activities. Refuse is regularly discarded onto trash heaps. Hut size does not correlate with either the number of occupants or their stature. Site population can be estimated using a count of huts, although reoccupation of a recently abandoned camp or a family's moving from one hut to a new one during a single occupation can inflate the count of huts relative to the number of families that lived at the camp at any one time. The spatial organization of campsites is influenced by environment, physical factors (such as human body size), and sociocultural phenomena.     

La variabilité graphique du Molí del Salt (Vimbodí, Catalogne, Espagne) et l'art mobilier de la fin du Paléolithique supérieur à l'est de la Péninsule Ibérique

The Upper Paleolithic of Catalonia has been so far characterized by a very weak presence of artistic representations. This scarcity was especially surprising if we take into account the huge number of discoveries from other zones of the Iberian Peninsula (Valencia, the Cantabrian region). In this paper we present four objects of portable art found at the Molí del Salt site (Vimbodí, Conca de Barberà, Tarragona). Below a mesolithic layer, dated to 8 ka BP, there is an Upper Magdalenian sequence with several dates between 10.8 and 12.5 ka BP. These magdalenian levels have yielded four plaques of schist with engravings, including several animal figurines and one human representations. Once the objects are described, we will place them in the context of the portable art from the Late Upper Paleolithic of Mediterranean Spain. From these data, the chronocultural successions based on the Upper Magdalenian-Microlaminar Epipaleolithic distinction will be discussed.     

Le paléolithique supérieur au sud du Portugal : le site de Vale Boi

Before the 90s, data on Paleolithic human occupation of southern Portugal was very scarce. During the last decade, the knowledge of the Upper Paleolithic of Algarve increased substantially due to the work of a research team based at the University of Algarve. The present paper is a report on the recent results from Algarve, focusing specially on the site of Vale Boi. It will present the chronology and stratigraphy of different human occupations from the early Upper Paleolithic up to the early Neolithic. It will focus on aspects of zooarchaeology and the exploitation of large and medium mammals as well as on marine fauna. In addition, we will present new data on stone and bone tools. Finally, we will also refer to the social and symbolic aspects present at the site, base on shell and teeth pendants and to an engraved plaquette with animal motifs.     

The upper paleolithic of Europe: An overview

The Upper Paleolithic of Europe, 40,000–10,000 years ago, presents one of the richest, most complex records for the anatomy and cultural adaptations of fossil hominids in the world. New chronological information points to roughly simultaneous appearance of certain Upper Paleolithic technological traits in both SE and SW Europe, while growing evidence suggests a significant degree of biological and cultural continuity between the Middle and Upper Paleolithic. On the other hand, there is considerable evidence that evolution continued to operate in both domains throughout the course of the late Upper Pleistocene, apparently in adaptive relationship to the major environmental changes of the Upper Pleniglacial and Tardiglacial. Spectacular developments in the realms of art and ideology may be understood in the special biogeographical, social, and economic conditions of Europe at the height of the Last Ice Age; both ended rather abruptly with the onset of the Holocene as the landscapes of Europe underwent pervasive upheavals.     

De la géographie sociale en archéologie paléolithique : concepts et apports du Magdalénien des Pyrénées

Landscape archaeologies that pay attention to cultural importance of place have become increasingly common in recent years in many parts of the world. However, these approaches have largely failed to make inroads into Pleistocene European hunter-gatherer archaeology. This is partly due to a focus on economics, survival, and neo-liberal assumptions of “efficiency” in early modern human behavior. With evidence of lithic use drawn from cave sites, survey, and open-air excavation, I argue that Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherers left clues to the importance of certain places in the landscape. Lithic tools in particular have been undervalued for their symbolic meaning, which goes well beyond style and ethnicity models. Raw material has been seen as evidence of mobility and trade, but possible cultural motives behind material choices have been downplayed or ignored.     

李家沟遗址的石器工业

本文介绍河南新密李家沟遗址发现的石制品, 并进行简要讨论。该遗址包含了从旧石器时代晚期一直到新石器时代多个文化阶段的遗存。石器工业在不同文化阶段表现出不同的特点。除了旧石器晚期较早阶段的石片石器组合和旧石器时代晚期之末的细石器组合之外, 还在新石器早期文化乃至裴李岗文化阶段的文化遗存中发现数量较多的打制石器。其中最值得关注的是与典型细石器共存的磨刃石锛与陶片。通过对石制品的初步观察可知, 打制石器并不只存在于旧石器时代, 而是延续到新石器早期甚至可能裴李岗文化时期, 打制石器仍然在继续使用。这种情况说明, 李家沟以及中原地区旧、新石器时代的石器工具的变化过渡是一种逐渐变化的过程。     

The beginning of the Upper Paleolithic in the Iranian Zagros. A taphonomic approach and techno-economic comparison of Early Baradostian assemblages from Warwasi and Yafteh (Iran)

Southwest Asia is a key region in current debates surrounding the appearance of the first cultures attributed to anatomically modern humans, particularly the Aurignacian and preceding cultural units of the Iranian Zagros, Levant, and the Balkans (Baradostian, Ahmarien, Kozarnikien, etc.). The Zagros mountain range encompasses an immense territory that remains understudied with regard to the Upper Paleolithic as well as the first bladelet industries traditionally presumed to be the work of anatomically modern humans. Concerning the emergence of the Aurignacian, the sites of Warwasi rockshelter and Yafteh cave in the central Zagros are considered to show evidence of in situ evolution of the Upper Paleolithic from the local Mousterian. This hypothesis is tested by way of a taphonomic, techno-typological and economic approach applied to the Upper Paleolithic levels of Warwasi (spits LL–AA) and Yafteh (the series from the lower part of the sequence). A comparison of the techno-economic features of both assemblages demonstrates a conceptual bond with contemporaneous techno-complexes from Levant and Europe (Ahmarian, Protoaurignacian, etc.). The techno-typological Middle Paleolithic character of the Warwasi lithic assemblage permits a discussion of a possible in situ dependence/continuum from the Mousterian or perhaps particular activities linked to the type of the occupation of the site. However, bladelet technology cannot be considered as rooted in the Zagros Mousterian. Consequently the origin of the Aurignacian sensu stricto has to be reconsidered.     

Metric dental change in the European upper paleolithic and mesolithic.

Evolutionary trends for dental reduction are presented for European Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic samples. The analysis demonstrates that the greatest decrease in tooth size occurs between the two divisions of the Upper Paleolithic, while little and insignificant change characterizes the Late Upper Paleolithic/Mesolithic transition. Trends for tooth size over this period indicate that (1) human evolution does not stop with the appearance of "anatomically modern Homo sapiens," (2) changes in tooth size fluctuate with increases in the efficiency and complexity of cultural systems, and (3) the Early Upper Paleolithic sample should be considered transitional between Wurm II European Neanderthals and later Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic groups.     

Les origines de l’art et les théories sur l’évolution humaine : le cas français

In recent years, we have witnessed an international debate about the question of the origins of art. On the one hand, some specialists have suggested that art appeared for the first time at the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic associated to the emergence of Homo sapiens sapiens. From this point of view, Paleolithic art as well as other hallmarks of behavioral modernity were exclusive to anatomically modern humans. On the other hand, some scholars have put into question the traditional paradigm concerning the origins of art and have suggested that artistic objects arose over a long period of time among different species, including Neanderthals. In order to contextualize this debate, we analyze in this article the history of the different interpretations and controversies concerning the question of the origins of art. Taking as reference the French case, we examine the connections between the different theories about art's origins suggested by Pleistocene art specialists during the last century and the dominant paradigms in human paleontology during the same period. Informed by one another, the question of the origins of art and that of human evolution seems to be inextricable linked.     

Seasonal variations of the middle-upper paleolithic transition at El castillo, Cueva Morín and El pendo (Cantabria, Spain)

With debate escalating in regard to the prolonged contemporaneity of neandertal and modern human groups in the Franco-Cantabrian region on the one hand, and the late persistence of neandertals (until ca. 28-30,000 B.P.) and Mousterian industries in southern Iberia on the other; sites with Mousterian-Upper Paleolithic sequences from northern Spain play a pivotal role in the ongoing investigation of the Middle-Upper Paleolithic transition in western Europe. An important line of inquiry into the nature of social and economic change from the Middle to Upper Paleolithic is the monitoring of shifts in land use and resource procurement patterns. The recognition of short-term, seasonal patterning in settlement and resource provisioning may provide insights into changes in mobility, territoriality, and social organization that might otherwise be missed. This paper presents results of a seasonality study of fauna from archaeological levels spanning the Middle-Upper Paleolithic transition from the sites of El Castillo, El Pendo, and Cueva Morín in Cantabrian Spain. Data concerning season of death and age at death of prey animals presented here are derived from dental growth mark (increment, annuli) analysis. These data, along with other artifactual and faunal evidence suggest to us that: (1) economic strategies and technologies pervasive in the Upper Paleolithic are rooted in the Cantabrian Middle Paleolithic; and, (2) the apparent increase in deposits from the Middle through Upper Paleolithic may be the signature of a gradual increase in logistical economic strategies including the heightened level of social organization required for their implementation.     

石叶概念探讨

石叶(Blade)是旧石器时代重要的石制品类型之一, 中国对石叶的研究始于1923年水洞沟遗址的发掘,然而目前对石叶的定义仍有所不同; 且着重于形态(如长宽比)的定义在实际操作时容易扩大石叶的范围。本文重新审视石叶的定义, 着重强调其技术和背脊属性, 将石叶定义为, 从预制有平直脊的石核上剥制的两侧边中上部平行或近平行, 背面有平直的脊, 长度一般为宽度的两倍以上, 宽度超过12mm的石片。打制石器的形态变异大, 遗址中常出现一些形态上类似石叶的石片, 但其缺乏明显的石叶技术,这类产品可称为"长石片"。确定遗址中是否存在石叶的关键是, 深入分析遗址中是否存在石叶石核及石叶技术; 只有以"操作链"的思想, 考察石叶产生的过程, 才能有效地确定石叶技术的存在与否。     

Who made the Aurignacian and other early Upper Paleolithic industries?

The Aurignacian is typically taken as a marker of the spread of anatomically modern humans into Europe. However, human remains associated with this industry are frustratingly sparse and often limited to teeth. Some have suggested that Neandertals may, in fact, be responsible for the Aurignacian and the earliest Upper Paleolithic industries. Although dental remains are frequently considered to be taxonomically undiagnostic in this context, recent research shows that Neandertals possess a distinct dental pattern relative to anatomically modern humans. Even so, it is rare to find mandibles or maxillae that preserve all or most of their teeth; and, the probability of correctly identifying individuals represented by only a few teeth or a single tooth is unknown. We present a Bayesian statistical approach to classifying individuals represented exclusively by teeth into two possible groups. The classification is based on dental trait frequencies and sample sizes for ‘known’ samples of 95 Neandertals and 63 Upper Paleolithic modern humans. In a cross validation test of the known samples, 89% of the Neandertals and 89% of the Upper Paleolithic modern humans were classified correctly. We then classified an ‘unknown’ sample of 52 individuals: 34 associated with Aurignacian or other (non-Châtelperronian) early Upper Paleolithic industries, 15 associated with the Châtelperronian, and three unassociated. Of the 34 early Upper Paleolithic-associated individuals, 29 were assigned to modern humans, which is well within the range expected (95% of the time 26-33) with an 11% misclassification rate for an entirely modern human sample. These results provide some of the strongest evidence that anatomically modern humans made the Aurignacian and other (non-Châtelperronian) early Upper Paleolithic industries.     

Hearth-side socioeconomics, hunting and paleoecology during the late Lower Paleolithic at Qesem Cave, Israel

The late Lower Paleolithic archaeofaunas of Qesem Cave in the southern Levant span 400-200 ka and associate with Acheulo-Yabrudian (mainly Amudian) industries. The large mammals are exclusively Eurasian in origin and formed under relatively cool, moist conditions. The zooarchaeological findings testify to large game hunting, hearth-centered carcass processing and meat sharing during the late Lower Paleolithic, not unlike the patterns known from Middle and Upper Paleolithic caves in the region. Well-defined hearth features are rarely preserved in Qesem Cave, but the heterogeneous distributions of burned bones indicate areas of frequent hearth rebuilding throughout the occupation sequence. The hominins delayed consumption of high quality body parts until they could be moved to the cave, where hearths were hubs of processing activities and social interaction. Paradoxically, the cut marks on the Qesem bones are both more abundant and more randomly oriented than those observed in Middle and Upper Paleolithic cases in the Levant. These results suggest that several individuals were directly involved in cutting meat from the bones and that the social mechanics of meat sharing during the late Lower Paleolithic at Qesem Cave differed from those typical of both the Middle and Upper Paleolithic in the region.     

Radiocarbon dating the late Middle Paleolithic and the Aurignacian of the Swabian Jura

Many lines of evidence point to the period between roughly 40 and 30 ka BP as the period in which modern humans arrived in Europe and displaced the indigenous Neandertal populations. At the same time, many innovations associated with the Upper Paleolithic--including new stone and organic technologies, use of personal ornaments, figurative art, and musical instruments--are first documented in the European archaeological record. Dating the events of this period is challenging for several reasons. In the period about six to seven radiocarbon half-lives ago, variable preservation, pre-treatment, and sample preparation can easily lead to a lack of reproducibility between samples and laboratories. A range of biological, cultural, and geological processes can lead to mixing of archaeological strata and their contents. Additionally, some data sets point to this period as a time of significant spikes in levels of atmospheric radiocarbon. This paper assesses these questions in the context of the well-excavated and intensively studied caves of Geissenkl?sterle and Hohle Fels in the Swabian Jura of southwestern Germany. We conclude that variable atmospheric radiocarbon production contributes to the problems of dating the late Middle Paleolithic and the early Upper Paleolithic. To help establish a reliable chronology for the Swabian Aurignacian, we are beginning to focus our dating program on short-lived, stratigraphically secure features to see if they yield reproducible results. This approach may help to test competing explanations for the noisy and often non-reproducible results that arise when trying to date the transition from the Middle to the Upper Paleolithic.     

Changes in the ‘Connectedness’ and Resilience of Paleolithic Societies in Mediterranean Ecosystems

Human predator‐prey relationships changed dramatically in the Mediterranean Basin between 250,000 and 9,000 years ago. Many of these changes can be linked to increases in Paleolithic human population densities. Small game species are particularly diagnostic of increases in human hunting pressure and are a major source of evidence for demographic change after 40–45,000 years ago. Biomass-corrected data on prey choice also indicate increasing use of those species that possess higher reproductive efficiencies. Step-wise, apparently irreversible shifts in human predatory niche are apparent in the Mediterranean Basin, beginning with the earliest Upper Paleolithic in the east and spreading westward. Evidence of demographic pressure and greater use of resilient prey populations is followed by technological innovations to exploit these animals more efficiently. The zooarchaeological findings suggest that Middle and Lower Paleolithic reproductive units probably were not robust at the micropopulation scale, due to the rather narrow set of behavioral responses that characterized social groups at the time, and thus localized extinctions at the micropopulation level were likely to have been common. Upper Paleolithic groups were the quintessential colonizers and, in addition, uniquely good at holding on to habitat gained. Upper Paleolithic archaeological “cultures” had shorter histories of existence than those of earlier periods, but they were even more widespread geographically. The demographic robustness of the Upper Paleolithic systems may stem from wholesale strategies for evening-out or sharing risk and volatility in technology. Micropopulations were larger and often denser on landscapes, more connected via cooperative ties, and thus more robust.     

Bad Hair Days in the Paleolithic: Modern (Re)Constructions of the Cave Man

Although we have never seen Paleolithic humans in the flesh, we recognize them immediately in illustrations, art, cartoons, and museum displays. The familiar iconography of the "Cave Man" often depicts our early human ancestors with longish, unkempt hair. However, this conventionalized image is not congruent with available archaeological data on the appearance of Upper Paleolithic humans. The lengthy iconographic history of representations of our prehistoric humans is rather a palimpsest of beliefs about the origins of humans, "natural man," human nature, primitive humans, and the savage "Other": a history of discourses about human evolution, human language, and the place of humans in the natural world. These images are traced in their anthropological, evolutionary, and philosophical contexts from medieval art through recent scientific illustrations, art, cartoons, and murals, and their influence on the scientific interpretation of our ancestors is assessed. [Cave Man, Paleolithic, evolution, primitive, illustration]     

Subsistence activities and the sexual division of labor in the European Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic: Evidence from upper limb enthesopathies

Studies of cultural artifacts and faunal remains from European Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic sites indicate a shift in hunter gatherer subsistence strategies, involving an intensification and diversification of resource exploitation relative to earlier foragers during the Tardiglacial and Postglacial periods. This trend has been recognized as well through the analysis of non-pathological skeletal adaptations of the upper limbs of European Upper Paleolithic human fossils. These paleoanthropological studies of adaptive bone modeling also raise the question of female use of throwing-based weapon technology in the Upper Paleolithic. Here, we studied another type of osteological marker of activity, enthesopathies, of the upper limb remains of 37 European Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic human fossils, with the goal of testing two hypotheses: 1) that activity levels were heightened at the end of Upper Paleolithic and into the Mesolithic relative to earlier foragers of the Gravettian, and 2) that there was an absence of a marked sexual division of labor in European hunter-gatherers during this time span. Our results are consistent with the first hypothesis; upper limb enthesopathies are significantly less frequent in the Gravettian group, but raise doubts about the second hypothesis. Four males exhibit lesions that can be confidently associated with throwing activities, while no females exhibit such lesions.     

Evolutionary trends of stature in upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic Europe

Long bone lengths of all available European Upper Paleolithic (41 males, 25 females) and Mesolithic (171 males, 118 females) remains have been transformed into stature estimates by means of new regression equations derived from Early Holocene skeletal samples using "Fully's anatomical stature" and the major axis regression technique (Formicola & Franceschi, 1996). Statistical analysis of the data, with reference both to time and space parameters, indicates that: (1) Early Upper Paleolithic samples (pre-Glacial Maximum) are very tall; (2) Late Upper Paleolithic groups (post-Glacial Maximum) from Western Europe, compared to their ancestors, show a marked decrease in height; (3) a further, although not significant, reduction of stature affects Western Mesolithics; (4) no regional differences have been observed during both phases of the Upper Paleolithic; (5) a high level of homogeneity has also been found in the Mesolithic, both in Western and Eastern Europe; (6) the internal homogeneity found during the Mesolithic in Western and Eastern Europe is associated with marked inter-regional variability, with populations of the latter region showing systematically significantly greater stature than their Western contemporaries. Evaluation of possible causes for the great stature of the Early Upper Paleolithic samples points to high nutritional standards as the most important factor. Results obtained on later groups clearly indicate that the Last Glacial Maximum, rather than the Mesolithic transition, is the critical phase in the negative trend affecting Western European populations. While changes in the quality of the diet, and in particular decreased protein intake, provide a likely explanation for that trend, variations in levels of gene flow probably also played a role. Reasons for the West-East Mesolithic dichotomy remain unclear and lack of information for the Late Upper Paleolithic of Eastern Europe prevents insight into the remote origins of this phenomenon. Analysis of regional differentiation of stature, particularly well supported by data from Mesolithic sites, points to the absence of today's latitudinal gradients and suggests a relative homogeneity in dietary, cultural and biodemographic patterns for the last hunter-gatherer populations of Western Europe.     

Bone and ivory points in the Lower and Middle Paleolithic of Europe.

The existence of shaped bone and ivory points, to be used as awls or with wooden hafts, has been suggested for the Lower Paleolithic sites of Torralba and Ambrona and for several Middle Paleolithic sites, such as Vaufrey, Combe Grenal, Pech de l'Azé I and Camiac. The use of hafted bone and ivory points would imply a spear armature technology similar to that well documented in the Upper Paleolithic, often considered an innovation introduced to Europe by anatomically modern humans.The controversial ivory points from the two Spanish sites, whose fracture morphology is considered natural by G. Haynes (1991), have been reanalyzed, checking for putative traces of human manufacture and utilization as described by Howell & Freeman (1983), i.e., polish, flaking of stem, ground edges, striations from manufacture and contact with a haft or binding. We have been able to study 19 new proboscidean tusk tips from the ongoing Ambrona excavations by a Spanish team. For these and nine other Middle Paleolithic bone and antler points we use optical and SEM microscope analysis, taphonomic analysis, comparative observations of Upper Paleolithic bone points, experimental observations of manufacturing traces, modern tusk samples, and data on several bone and antler pseudo-points from carnivore accumulations.We show that none of the objects we have studied can be interpreted as an intentionally shaped point. The absence of hafted bone points in the Middle Paleolithic of Europe is contrasted with evidence of the use of hafted stone points since OIS 5 or earlier in Eurasia and Africa. We suggest that the absence of organic spear armatures in the Middle Paleolithic is not due to a deficiency in the technology of Neandertals but may be tied to the organizational strategies of the hunters and to patterns of game choice and capture.