Spatial and temporal stability of mtDNA haplogroup frequencies in native North America

Mitochondrial DNA lineage frequencies in prehistoric Aleut, eastern Utah Fremont, Southwestern Anasazi, Pyramid Lake, and Stillwater Marsh skeletal samples from northwest Nevada and the Oneota of western Illinois are compared with those in 41 contemporary aboriginal populations of North America. The ancient samples range in age from 300 years to over 6,000 years. The results indicate that the prehistoric inhabitants of North America exhibit the same level of mtDNA variability as contemporary populations of the continent. Variation in modern mtDNA haplogroup frequencies is highly geographically structured, and the prehistoric samples exhibit the same geographic pattern of variation. This indicates that differentiation of regional patterns of mtDNA lineage variation occurred early in North American prehistory (much more than 2,000 years B.P.), has remained relatively stable since its origin, and was little influenced by the disruptions hypothesized for other genetic systems as a result of population declines and relocations at contact.     

Archaeoparasitology in North America

The study of prehistoric parasitism through analysis of coprolites, mummies, skeletons, and latrine soils is rapidly growing. Its development in North America is interdisciplinary and is derived from the fields of physical anthropology, parasitology, and archaeology. The various parasite finds from North America are reviewed. The data show that prehistoric peoples in North America suffered from a variety of parasitic diseases. The validity of the findings are then considered. Although most finds of parasites from prehistoric contexts result from human infections, some finds cannot be verified as such. However, in combination with data from South America, it is clear that prehistoric peoples in the Americas were host to a variety of human parasites, some of which were not previously thought to be present before historic times.     

Using ancient mtDNA to reconstruct the population history of northeastern North America

Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) was extracted and analyzed from the skeletal remains of 44 individuals, representing four prehistoric populations, and compared to that from two other prehistoric and several contemporary Native American populations to investigate biological relationships and demographic history in northeastern North America. The mtDNA haplogroup frequencies of ancient human remains from the Morse (Red Ocher tradition, 2,700 BP) and Orendorf (Mississippian tradition, 800 BP) sites from the Central Illinois River Valley, and the Great Western Park (Western Basin tradition, 800 BP) and Glacial Kame (2,900 BP) populations from southwestern Ontario, change over time while maintaining a regional continuity between localities. Haplotype patterns suggest that some ancestors of present day Native Americans in northeastern North America have been in that region for at least 3,000 years but have experienced extensive gene flow throughout time, resulting, at least in part, from a demic expansion of ancestors of modern Algonquian-speaking people. However, genetic drift has also been a significant force, and together with a major population crash after European contact, has altered haplogroup frequencies and caused the loss of many haplotypes.     

The Uto‐Aztecan premolar among North and South Amerindians: Geographic variation and genetics

The Uto‐Aztecan premolar (UAP) is a dental polymorphism characterized by an exaggerated distobuccal rotation of the paracone in combination with the presence of a fossa at the intersection of the distal occlusal ridge and distal marginal ridge of upper first premolars. This trait is important because, unlike other dental variants, it has been found exclusively in Native American populations. However, the trait's temporal and geographic variation has never been fully documented. The discovery of a Uto‐Aztecan premolar in a prehistoric skeletal series from northern South America calls into question the presumed linguistic and geographic limits of this trait. We examined published and unpublished data for this rare but highly distinctive trait in samples representing over 5,000 Native Americans from North and South America. Our findings in living Southwest Amerindian populations corroborate the notion that the variable goes beyond the bounds of the Uto‐Aztecan language family. It is found in prehistoric Native Americans from South America, eastern North America, Northern and Central Mexico, and in living and prehistoric populations in the American Southwest that are not members of the Uto‐Aztecan language stock. The chronology of samples, its geographic distribution, and trait frequencies suggests a North American origin (Southwest) for UAP perhaps between 15,000 BP and 4,000 BP and a rapid and widespread dispersal into South America during the late Holocene. Family data indicate that it may represent an autosomal recessive mutation that occurred after the peopling of the Americas as its geographic range appears to be limited to North and South Amerindian populations. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2010. © 2010 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Brief communication: Haplogroup X confirmed in prehistoric North America

Haplogroup X represents approximately 3% of all modern Native North American mitochondrial lineages. Using RFLP and hypervariable segment I (HVSI) sequence analyses, we identified a prehistoric individual radiocarbon dated to 1,340 +/- 40 years BP that is a member of haplogroup X, found near the Columbia River in Vantage, Washington. The presence of haplogroup X in prehistoric North America, along with recent findings of haplogroup X in southern Siberians, confirms the hypothesis that haplogroup X is a founding lineage.     

Peopling of the Americas: paleobiological evidence.

A subjective and bivariate analysis of 8500-10,000-year-old human fossil remains from North America substantiates that the fossils' closest affinities are with Asian populations. Within North American prehistoric Indian populations, increasing brachycephalization and the possible development of a larger, broader face are two structural trends that can be identified. In those respects where Paleo-Indian specimens differ from modern northern Asians and North American Indians, they tend to resemble southern Asian and European populations. These assessments generally support the inference that populations entered the New World relatively recently but before the modern northern Asian and North American features were fully developed. Based on the data examined, no date can be specified for time of entrance of the first populations, nor can the number of founding populations be discerned.     

DomesticatedChenopodium of the Ozark Bluff Dwellers

Previous suggestions that prehistoric agriculturalists of the Ozark Bluff Dweller culture utilized a fully domesticated form ofChenopodium have been confirmed. Comparative examination of infructescence and fruit structure indicates that archaeological material is assignable toC. berlandieri ssp.nuttalliae, a product of Mexican agriculture. Large-fruited chenopod remains from other sites in eastern North America, often identified as those of wild species, may also belong to the Mexican domesticated form. A related, wild species of northeastern North America,C. bushianum, shows similarities to the Mexican weed-crop complex that may reflect prehistoric genetic interaction. This is the first documented report of domesticatedChenopodium from prehistoric North America.     

Clovis in context: New light on the peopling of the Americas

Until recently, the first Americans were thought to be fluted-point spear-hunters from the Siberian steppes. Near the end of the Ice Age, they followed big-game herds over the Bering land bridge into the open, upland habitats of the interior of North America about 12,000 years ago. Rapidly extinguishing the big game herds with their deadly hunting methods, they pressed southward in search of new herds and reached the tip of South America about a thousand years later. Today, nearly 70 years after the first excavations at Clovis, New Mexico, the type site for this culture, new sites and new dates from both North and South America are forcing a revision of the earlier picture of the migrations and adaptations of the first Americans. But despite recurring claims that human colonization of the Western Hemisphere began as early as 20,000 or more years ago with the arrival of generalized foragers lacking a projectile-point tradition, no definitive data gives empirical support for a human presence before c. 12,000 before the present (B.P.). All supposed pre-Clovis cultures except one in Alaska have failed to withstand careful scrutiny of their data. In addition, despite recent claims for cultural and biological links of the migrants to Europe or the Pacific Islands, the skeletons and cultural assemblages of Paleoindians throughout the hemisphere point consistently to a northeast Asian origin. According to new data, Paleoindian ancestors in Beringia c. 12,000 years ago were not specialized, fluted-point hunters of large game, but broad-spectrum hunter-gatherers using triangular or bipointed, lanceolates. Diverse cultures descended from these ancestors, not only the big-game hunting Clovis culture of the North American high plains. And just as Clovis did not set the cultural pattern for the hemisphere, it was not the earliest culture. Fully contemporary with the earliest possible Clovis dates of c. 11,200, in South America there already were maritime foragers on the Pacific coast, small-game hunters in the southern pampas, and tropical forest riverine foragers in the eastern tropical lowlands. The Clovis culture thus was just one of several regional cultures developed in the millennium after the initial migration. It could not have been the ancestor of the other early Paleoindian cultures. This new picture of Paleoindian cultures changes understanding of initial human adaptive radiation in the Americas and has implications for general theories of human evolution and behavioral ecology.     

Nutrition and health at contact in late prehistoric central Gulf Coast Florida

This paper presents an analysis of human remains from Tatham Mound, a dual-component mortuary site from central Gulf Coast Florida. The human remains from Tatham are significant because they come from a limited time period during the initial contact with Europeans at AD 1525-1550. Dietary reconstruction demonstrates that at the time of European contact, maize was not a predominant dietary item. Low frequencies for several dental and skeletal pathological indicators are consistent with relatively good health as compared to other Southeastern late prehistoric and protohistoric populations. Despite the limited time period represented by the mound population, critical interactions occurred between Native Americans and Spaniards, as indicated by skeletal elements severed by metal weapons. The Tatham population is significant because it is one of the earliest studied populations contacted by Europeans in North America, and the only one with well-documented sharp-force trauma that represents intergroup hostility.     

Prehistoric tuberculosis in america: adding comments to a literature review

Tuberculosis is a prehistoric American human disease. This paper reviews the literature and discusses hypotheses for origins and epidemiological patterns of prehistoric tuberculosis. From the last decades, 24 papers about prehistoric tuberculosis were published and 133 cases were reviewed. In South America most are isolated case studies, contrary to North America where more skeletal series were analyzed. Disease was usually located at the deserts of Chile and Peru, Central Plains in USA, and Lake Ontario in Canada. Skeletal remains represent most of the cases, but 16 mummies have also been described. Thirty individuals had lung disease, 19 of them diagnosed by the ribs. More then 100 individuals had osseous tuberculosis and 26 also had it in other organs. As today, transmission of the infection and establishment of the disease were favored by cultural and life-style changes such as sedentarization, crowding, undernutrition, use of dark and insulated houses, and by the frequency of interpersonal contacts. The papers confirm that despite previous perceptions, tuberculosis seems to have occurred in America for millennia. It only had epidemiological expression when special conditions favored its expansion. Occurring as epidemic bursts or low endemic disease, it had differential impact on groups or social segments in America for at least two millennia.     

The science of coprolite analysis: The view from Hinds cave

This paper explores some of the new perspectives resulting from re-examination of the pollen data from my 1978 comprehensive analysis of 100 coprolites from one of the earliest identified prehistoric latrines in North America. Of particular interest are the empirical results of previously unavailable pollen concentration calculations for some of the prehistoric specimens as well as a time-series of 82 modern fecal specimens produced during an experiment yielding data on the rate of elimination of specific pollen grains from the human system. Experimental data of all sorts are needed to extend coprolite analyses and interpretations, particularly from pollen-ingestion studies conducted with more volunteers over long periods of time. Parasitological studies of human coprolites will benefit from experimental data to determine the fate of the constituents of human feces ingested by dogs. The application of specialized techniques at the microscope, such as Intensive Systematic Microscopy ([Dean, G., 1998. Finding a needle in a palynological haystack. In: Bryant, V.M., Wrenn, J.H. (Eds.), New Developments in Palynomorph Sampling, Extraction, and Analysis. Am. Assoc. of Stratigraphic Palynologists Foundation., Contribs Series No. 33, pp. 53-59]), to locate and quantify rare pollen types needs to be explored. Easy and useful ways to express the abundance of macroremains in a coprolite are also needed.     

Vertebrate Ichnopathology: Pathologies Inferred from Dinosaur Tracks and Trackways from the Mesozoic

Literature concerning dinosaur footprints or trackways exhibiting abnormal gait or morphology reflecting pathology (ichnopathology) is rare. We report on a number of Jurassic and Cretaceous occurrences of theropod footprints from western North America with unusual morphologies interpreted herein as examples of inferred pathologies, or ichnopathologies. The majority of ichnopathologies are primarily manifested in the digit impressions and include examples of swelling, extreme curvature, dislocation or fracture, and amputation. A number of occurrences are single tracks on ex situ blocks with substantial deformation (inferred dislocation or fracture), or absence of a single digit impression. Two occurrences are from in situ natural mould trackways, one of which is a lengthy trackway of a presumed allosauroid with no noticeable deformation of the digits or feet but with strong inward rotation of the left footprint toward the midline and a pronounced, waddling limp. The other is a tyrannosaurid trackway consisting of three footprints (one right, two left) with the two left prints exhibiting repetitive ichnopathology of a partially missing Digit II impression.     

Following the Tracks of the First South Americans

In this article, a summary of the geologic, paleontological, and human history of an area of the Atlantic coast in the Pampean plain, Argentina is discussed. This area presents very interesting characteristics. On the one hand, the area includes the Monte Hermoso cliffs studied by Charles Darwin in 1832, which compose the set of localities related to the development of the theory of evolution. On the other hand, in the referred area, an extraordinary amount of human and Pleistocene mammal footprints are registered. Also in that section, four diachronic stages have been registered which depict the evolutionary scenario during the last five million years. Four paleontological and archeological sites are described, showing the palaeoenvironmental changes that occurred there regarding fauna associations and human settlement. The first scenario is found at Monte Hermoso cliff, whose sediments contain fossil remains of the autochthonous South American fauna. The second scenario shows a remarkable change in the drainage system where the fauna is composed of immigrated taxa due to the Great American Biotic Interchange. Both last scenarios show human presence; the third one shows faint evidences (one human trackway and two isolated footprints), and in the last one the hunter–gatherers are fully represented as a well-established population on the Pampean coast during the Early Holocene, registered at La Olla and Monte Hermoso I sites. In this way, the sites summarized in this work allow the reconstruction of four remarkable evolutionary scenarios in South America, as regards landscapes, fauna associations, and human population.     

Invasion by a Japanese marine microorganism in western North America

The earliest record in western North America of Trochammina hadai Uchio, a benthic foraminifer common in Japanese estuaries, is from sediment collected in Puget Sound in 1971. It was first found in San Francisco Bay in sediment samples taken in 1983, and since 1986 has been collected at 91% of the sampled sites in the Bay, constituting up to 93% of the foraminiferal assemblage at individual sites. The species is also present in recent sediment samples from 12 other sites along the west coast of North America. The evidence indicates that T. hadai is a recent introduction to San Francisco Bay, and is probably also not native to the other North American sites. Trochammina hadai was probably transported from Japan in ships' ballast tanks, in mud associated with anchors, or in sediments associated with oysters imported for mariculture. Its remarkable invasion of San Francisco Bay suggests the potential for massive, rapid invasions by other marine microorganisms.     

A review of vital rates and cause‐specific mortality of elk Cervus elaphus populations in eastern North America

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Kanzi: The ape at the brink of the human mind. By Sue Savage-Rumbaugh and Roger Lewin. New York: John Wiley & Sons. 1994. 299 pp. ISBN 0-471-58591-2 $24.95 (cloth)

The archaeological evidence of ancient cranial surgery is limited to cases of trepanation and cauterization. I report here on the only known case of cranial surgery in direct association with the osseous image of a nontrauma-induced soft tissue lesion (sinus pericranii). This case, from Alameda County, California (Late Middle Period, ca. 300–500 AD), is the earliest and only definitive evidence of invasive surgery from prehistoric North America.

1 Throughout this work, all reference to North American evidence excludes cases from south of the border between the United States and Mexico.

Because this individual presents the only bony evidence of cranial surgery other than trepanation or cauterization, it contributes substantially to our extremely limited understanding of medical practices in preliterate societies. © 1995 Wiley-Liss, Inc.     

Introduction: Social Complexity and the Bow in the Prehistoric North American Record

This Special Issue of Evolutionary Anthropology grew out of a symposium at the 2012 Society for American Archaeology (SAA) meeting in Memphis, Tennessee (April 18–22). The goal of the symposium was to explore what we will argue is one of the most important and promising opportunities in the global archeological enterprise. In late prehistoric North America, the initial rise of cultures of strikingly enhanced complexity and the local introduction of a novel weapon technology, the bow, apparently correlate intimately in a diverse set of independent cases across the continent, as originally pointed out by Blitz. 1 If this empirical relationship ultimately proves robust, it gives us an unprecedented opportunity to evaluate hypotheses for the causal processes producing social complexity and, by extension, to assess the possibility of a universal theory of history. The rise of comparably complex cultures was much more recent in North America than it was elsewhere and the resulting fresher archeological record is relatively well explored. These and other features make prehistoric North America a unique empirical environment. Together, the symposium and this issue have brought together outstanding investigators with both empirical and theoretical expertise. The strong cross‐feeding and extended interactions between these investigators have given us all the opportunity to advance the promising exploration of what we call the North American Neolithic transitions. Our goal in this paper is to contextualize this issue.     

The late Pleistocene cultures of South America

Important to an understanding of the first peopling of any continent is an understanding of human dispersion and adaptation and their archeological signatures. Until recently, the earliest archeological record of South America was viewed uncritically as a uniform and unilinear development involving the intrusion of North American people who brought a founding cultural heritage, the fluted Clovis stone tool technology, and a big-game hunting tradition to the southern hemisphere between 11,000 and 10,000 years ago.^1–3 Biases in the history of research and the agendas pursued in the archeology of the first Americans have played a major part in forming this perspective.^4–6 Despite enthusiastic acceptance of the Clovis model by a vast majority of archeologists, several South American specialists have rejected it.^6–11 They contend that the presence of archeological sites in Tierra del Fuego and other regions by at least 11,000 to 10,500 years ago was simply insufficient time for even the fastest migration of North Americans to reach within only a few hundred years. Despite this concern, and despite the discovery of several pre-Clovis sites in South America,^6,10–12 some specialists^2,3 keep the Clovis model alive. Proponents of the model claim that the pre-Clovis sites are unreliable due to questionable radiocarbon dates, artifacts, and stratigraphy. Solid evidence at the Monte Verde site in Chile^14–16 and other localities^6,8,10–12 now indicates that South America was discovered by humans at least 12,500 years ago. How much earlier than 12,500 years ago is still a matter of conjecture.^6,10,12,15 Some proponents prefer a long chronology of 20,000 to 45,000 years ago,⁸ while others advocate a short chronology of 15,000 to 20,000 years ago^10–12 or only 11,000 years ago.^1–3. © 1999 Wiley-Liss, Inc.     

Phaseolus (Fabaceae) in Archaeology: AMS

Beans of several species were domesticated in tropical America thousands of years ago, to be combined with maize and other crops in highly successful New World agricultural systems. Radiocarbon dates on charcoal associated with Phaseolus in archaeological sites, in Mexico and Peru indicated the presence of domesticated beans as early as 10 000 years ago. However, direct dates on the beans and pods themselves by accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) do not provide evidence for the cultivation in Mexico of common beans, P. vulgaris, and teparies, P. acutifolius, before about 2500 B.P. in the Tehuacán Valley, and of common beans about 1300 years ago in Tamaulipas and 2100 years ago in the Valley of Oaxaca. AMS dates support the presence in the Peruvian Andes of domesticated common beans by about 4400 B.P. and lima beans by about 3500 B. P. and lima beans by about 5600 B.P. in the coastal valleys of Peru. The late appearance of common and lima beans in the Central Highlands of Mesoamerica supports the importance of missing evidence that may be obtained from prehistoric agricultural sites in western Mexico and in Central America which are located within the range of the wild populations of these species. Additionally, biochemical studies of subsamples of the dated specimens should be carried out in order to extend the molecular evidence for the independent domestication of North and South American common beans.