A theory of ethnic violence: ethnic incorporation and ethno-political mobilization in Bulgaria and Cyprus

This article argues that the political accommodation of ethnic groups is a major determinant of ethnic violence and its effects vary depending on the pre-existing levels of mobilization. Accordingly, civic assimilationism is the most effective ethnic incorporation mode in terms of ensuring that weakly mobilized ethnic groups remain peaceful. Liberal multiculturalism is most effective in terms of eliciting peaceful mobilizations from highly mobilized ethnic groups. The ethnocratic mode tends to be the most conducive to violent mobilization at both low and high pre-existing mobilization levels. The theory is explored through case studies of Turks in Bulgaria and Cyprus. By demonstrating how the effects of ethnic incorporation policies vary depending on pre-existing mobilization levels, the article also challenges previous assumptions about the relationship between political opening and ethnic mobilization. Such an account not only explains the political determinants of ethnic violence, but also indicates potential political remedies to such problems.     

Nationalism and the ‘idiocy’ of the countryside: The case of Serbia

The mobilization of the countryside has direct consequences for political discourse about national values and in times of social crisis, the ‘conservatism’ of the countryside has the potential to assume an aggressive, offensive posture. When rural mobilization is accompanied by religious revival, group loyalty and so‐called ‘traditional’ values are sacralized. When rural mobilization, ethnic mobilization, and religious revival occur simultaneously, it signifies that the society is undergoing profound destabilization. Examining the case of Serbia, this article argues that while Serbia is, in cultural and social terms, predominantly rural in character, Titoist Communism imposed the values of the city on that culture, while the 1987 coup by Slobodan Milosevic represented, among other things, the triumph of the countryside over the city in Serbia.

This article begins by characterizing the countryside in cultural terms, provides documentation of the importance of rural traditions in Serbian society, documents the rural character of the Serbian national movement, connecting its ideology and behaviour with populist appeals, and examines the contribution made by the Serbian Orthodox Church to the mobilization of the Serbian countryside.     

Ethnic minority identity and movement politics: The case of the Roma in the Czech Republic and Slovakia

The level of political mobilization among ethnic minorities in Central and Eastern Europe has often been regarded as directly dependent on the strong or weak ethnic identity of the groups involved. Less attention has gone to the role of ethnic leaders in creating ethnic group identities for political purposes. This article explores the influence of political mobilization on ethnic group formation in the case of the Roma (Gypsies) in the contemporary Czech and Slovak Republics. It examines the various ways in which Romani activists in these two countries have “framed” Romani identity. The article suggests that activists’ conceptions of Romani identity are closely tied to their political strategies. At the same time, Romani activists have not been able to gain complete control over the production of Romani identity. They have had to deal with powerful schemes of ethnic categorization promulgated by the media, public officials and policy documents.     

The Punjab crisis since 1984: A reassessment

Over the last decade there has been increasing scholarly interest in the ethnic character of the Indian state. This interest has coincided with the rise of the Hindu revivalist Bharatiya Janata Party [BJP], nation‐wide clashes between Hindus and Muslims, and bitter conflict over affirmative action for backward classes. Simultaneously, the Indian state has been confronted by regional movements in Kashmir, Assam and Punjab seeking secession from the Indian Union. By focusing on the Punjab crisis this article argues that conventional explanations have concentrated on national political centralization and regional economic factors, to the neglect of Sikh ethno‐nationalism and its dialectical relationship with strategies for ethnic conflict management followed by the Indian state since 1947. Drawing on recent revisionist accounts, the Indian state, it is suggested, should be viewed as a form of an ethnic democracy in which hegemonic control is exercised over non‐Hindu ethnic groups. The Punjab case‐study shows that hegemonic control has characterized the relationship between the Sikhs and the Indian state between 1947 and 1984, and efforts to re‐establish hegemonic control after 1984 degenerated into violent control. The experience of the last ten years suggests that hegemonic control and violent control are unlikely to provide an enduring solution to the Punjab crisis. Rather, there is a need to address fundamentally the crisis of the Indian political system and how it has managed its minorities since 1947. Central to this reassessment is the viability of India's majoritarian political system in the context of an ethnically plural society.     

Two states for three peoples: the ‘Palestinian-Israeli’ in the Future Vision Documents of the Palestinians in Israel

This article focuses on the Vision Documents of the Arab civil society organizations in Israel as an act of citizenship and an expression of the politics of contention used by the Palestinians in Israel. We argue that these documents challenge both the political inclusiveness of the identity of Israel as a ‘Jewish and democratic’ state, and the political continuity of collective identity of the Palestinian people. With these documents, the Arab civil society organizations reclaim responsibility over their political future by clinging to the Israeli citizenship framework, but at the same time attempt to change its nature from within, by re-associating the Palestinians in Israel with the core issues of the stumbling peace process, especially in regard to the ‘Right of Return’. The paper contends that for the Palestinians in Israel, the national and the civic frameworks do not circulate in separate orbits, but constitute and reframe each other.     

The role of the state in the transformation of the nationalist movements of the 1960s: Comparing Wales and Quebec

This article examines the dynamics of ethnicity in Nigeria. It argues that ethnic debates and disputes are not just about the possession of power but also about the morality of power and the empowerment of civil society. Ethnicity is represented as the quest for dominance and the voice of civil society and accountability. The acute mistrusts and fears that condition ethnic conflict are analysed in the context of these rival visions of ethnicity as dominance and resistance.     

Panethnicity revisited: contested group boundaries in the post-9/11 era

Existing theories of panethnicity in the USA concentrate on Asian Americans and Latinos, two umbrella groups that originally coalesced during the 1960s civil rights era. Although the role played by the state is recognized as central to panethnic development, we argue that the influence of this pivotal variable is contingent on historical context. Through a case study of emerging minority groups (Middle Eastern and South Asian Americans in the post-9/11 era), we re-examine the existing conceptualization of panethnicity at a time when the state plays a more punitive than compensatory role. Using a methodology that draws on a range of novel sources, we document the way that pre-existing ethnic, religious and national-origin labels have been reinforced instead of panethnic labels for the populations under study. Accordingly, we develop an updated conceptualization of group formation that incorporates historical context and the role of the state in the post-9/11 era.     

Identity in minority group relations*

Ethnic affiliations and divisions have come to pose serious challenges to the strengthening of civil society and the quest for nationhood in Africa. While ethnicity was employed by the colonial state to divide the colony and weaken the nationalist movements, post‐colonial regimes and governments have manipulated ethnic differences to consolidate their control over society and promote exploitative relations of power, production and exchange. The limited hegemony of the post‐colonial state, its inability to meet the basic needs of the vast majority, and its heavy reliance on violence and coercion to maintain control, make it very ‘irrelevant’ to the existential conditions of the vast majority. While ethnic identities continue to pose challenges to efforts at growth, development and political stability, largely because the masses have increasingly identified with primordial institutions in the absence of a democratic and strong state, current conditions of debt, drought, poverty, inflation and other pains imposed by the structural adjustment programmes will continue to weaken the state and strengthen the relevance of ethnic associations and identities. The opening up of the political processes, emphasis on the politics of consensus and accommodation, the democratization of society and empowerment of mass‐based organizations remain the only ways to contain the divisive influences of ethnic politics and identities in Africa.     

The politics of ethnic representation in Philippine bureaucracy

The good governance argument for diversity in civil service is based on the notion that creating a bureaucracy that represents the diverse communities it serves strengthens government accountability and legitimacy. This paper argues that ethnic representation in national bureaucratic governance in the Philippines primarily constitutes a means for political reallocation of space, as it is embedded in the government's framework of asymmetric political autonomy. Mired in intersecting political and ethnic tensions (i.e. blurred ethnic distinctions/ethnic identity disputes and politico-ethnic conflicts), patrimonial forces could easily exploit the country's bureaucratic representation policies as spaces for patronage and as superficial tokens to mollify interethnic factions of their share of the national polity. Thus, instead of facilitating equitable voice in bureaucratic governance, such policy framework could only hold ordinary indigenous and minority ethnic communities captive in the elite-dominated interethnic struggle for representation.     

Ethnic mobilization and the state: the Roma in Eastern Europe

The political mobilization of marginalized ethnic groups is a process indispensable for the realization of their political objectives. This article identifies the key criteria and conditions that promote and impede successful ethnic mobilization and analyses the determinants of state policy towards newly mobilizing ethnic minorities. The theoretical arguments receive empirical support from the findings of a comparative study of the Romani (Gypsy) minority in seven East European states.     

Review article: Polonia studies and the collapse of Communism

This paper asks to what extent Suriname's consociational democracy still rests on its historically shaped meta-ideology of ethnic essentialism. Based on ethnographic data of the country's national elections in 2010, I suggest that the ‘ethnic taboo’ of ethnic mobilization by politicians was present to a certain extent. However, this taboo was challenged by the nationalist turn of Desi Bouterse's National Democratic Party. Furthermore, when considering voting behaviour and that of ethnically mixed Doglas in particular, we see that Surinamese politics is more complex. I will argue that while we have been thinking about Surinamese politics as being on a par with ethnic groupings, these 2010 elections were not simply about ethnicity. Ethnicity may have informed but did not fully explain people's political choices, because people are too complex to be captured in an exclusively ethnic category, and because the Surinamese political system is too complex to maintain clear ethnic categories.     

Re-making the majority? Ethnic New Zealanders in the 2006 census

Abstract

The national census is often seen as a site of struggle for minorities seeking recognition and equality. Much less is known about the conditions under which ethnic majorities are galvanized to stake identity claims in the census. This article examines recent trends in New Zealand where an increasing number of people from the dominant New Zealand European group are redefining themselves as ethnic New Zealanders. Drawing from the literature on ethnic boundaries, we theorize the factors underlying the surge in New Zealander identification, and present census data to demonstrate its selective appeal. We also review patterns of national naming in North America and Australia to show that the New Zealander phenomenon reflects a broader shift by settler state majorities to reimagine their identities. The implications for ethnic counting in other contexts are briefly considered.     

State ethnicization and the crisis of leadership succession among Israel's Druze

States often ethnicize ethnic groups for their own purposes. In doing so, however, they unleash contradictory processes. While the state facilitates the integration of individuals into modern state structures on the basis of personal achievement, it will also traditionalize collective identity by promoting a recognized leader or headman. Over time ethnic reformers will challenge such state ethnicization and attempt to organize the community to achieve more autonomy, using state legislation to achieve these reforms. Paradoxically, this attempt, if successful, will not only encroach upon state power but also curtail the choice of the individual in the ethnic group to define his or her own ethnicity. The following article analyses the Israeli Druze's relationship to the State of Israel and the controversy among the Druze over the group's international organization. It analyses at what point state ethnicization gives way to ethnic autonomy at the expense of state power, and explores its implications on the development of civil society within the ethnic community. The diminution of state ethnicization in a democracy need not necessarily entail the empowerment of the ethnic group but rather the individual who belongs to it.     

More diversity,less tolerance? The effect of type of cultural diversity on the erosion of tolerance in Swiss municipalities

Immigration and the ways in which host societies receive newcomers pose challenges for modern civil societies. This article contributes to the ongoing discussion about how ethnic diversity influences tolerance towards immigrants. Compared to previous studies, we analyse tolerance as a sequential concept in order to uncover the effects of contextual diversity on attitudes towards immigrants and the granting of certain rights to this group. Moreover, we distinguish different shares of ethnic groups based on their ethnic and cultural origins both on the independent and dependent variable. The analysis relies on a subnational survey of sixty municipalities in Switzerland, revealing that only certain ethnic groups are seen as an economic and cultural threat.     

Ethnic capital,migration, and citizenship: a Bourdieusian perspective

This article examines how ethnic capital operates in ethnic affinity migration and external citizenship. Criticizing the “methodological nationalism”, inadequate theorization of the state, and “groupist” understanding of ethnicity that characterize existing scholarship on ethnic capital, I develop an alternative account drawing on Bourdieu. I highlight the importance of state power that consecrates ethnicity as a legitimate element in classifying non-citizens and determines the key criteria for coethnicity. The conversion of ethnicity into a migration-facilitating resource, however, is not monopolized by the state. I pay attention to how aspiring migrants, assisted by various intermediaries, challenge the state’s definition of ethnic group boundaries or deliberately cultivate specific ethnic markers, with varying implications for their ethnic self-understanding. Instead of treating ethnicity as what migrants are, I analyse what states, migrants, and intermediaries do with ethnicity – how they shape the valorization, conversion, and legitimization of ethnic capital in macro-political, meso-institutional, and micro-interactional contexts, with different agendas and asymmetrical power.     

Political mobilization of a regional minority: Han Chinese settlers in Xinjiang

The tumultuous events of summer 2009 have brought Uighur protests and minority mobilization in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR) to the forefront. But this focus overlooks similar protests organized by various groups of Han Chinese settlers over the years. This paper contributes to the body of literature on minority mobilization and ethnic relations in Xinjiang by illustrating how the political mobilization of a group that is simultaneously a national majority and a regional minority differs substantially from ‘traditional’ minority mobilization. Reviewing the main instances of Han Chinese political mobilization since the XUAR was created in 1955, I argue that two factors are particularly important in enabling their mobilization: the Han Chinese's subjective perception of discrimination and their close ethnic ties to the state. This paper concludes with a discussion on the presence of a cycle of protests between Han settlers and the Uighurs in Xinjiang.     

Practices of change in the education sector: professionals dealing with ethnic school segregation

ABSTRACT

This article looks at second-generation professionals in the education sector in Sweden, France and the Netherlands, whose parents were born in Turkey. In their stories, ethnic school segregation appears as an important topic that coincides with other inequalities in society and signals educational injustice. This so-called wicked problem is used to understand how second-generation professionals assert influence in their quest for educational change. The analysis, based on semi-structured interviews, shows that influence and change are conditional. Second-generation professionals are constrained by the structural boundaries of the sector, which seem particularly fixed because of the way in which the education sector is entangled with state policies. Simultaneously, they are aware of these boundaries, and of the nation-specific change-opportunities existing within them. Using their “in-betweenness” as second-generation social climbers, with their knowledge of the education system, they apply varying practices of change focused on moderating the negative effects of ethnic school segregation.     

Minorities policy in the post‐Soviet republics: The case of the Gagauzi

This article explores the obstacles to crafting comprehensive policies for ethnic minorities within the Soviet successor states. It focuses on a case that has been viewed as a model for the peaceful resolution of ethnic conflict in the region: Moldova's devolution of power to its small Gagauz (Christian Turkic) minority. The relationship between the Moldovan government and the Gagauzi reached its nadir in 1990, when Moldovan volunteer forces and Gagauz irregulars stood at the brink of all‐out civil war over the issue of a separate Gagauz political entity. Since then, however, Moldova has created a special administrative unit known as Gagauz Yeri ('the Gagauz land'). In contrast to other ethno‐territorial disputes in the former Soviet Union, the Gagauz case has illustrated that a range of policy options exists between the extremes of maintaining a highly centralized, unitary state structure and the devolution of authority to loosely related confederative units.     

Racism and anti-racism in the two Irelands

This article addresses institutional understandings of and responses to racism in the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland, examining the different trajectories and their implications. This comparative analysis assesses state and institutional failure to meet basic obligations under international rights treaties, such as ethnic monitoring in state institutions, equal provision of state services and ensuring adequate responses to racism such as in policing. We draw on this to illustrate how civil society actors have sought and been able to influence institutional actors in the context of these trajectories. Northern Ireland is belatedly influenced by UK law and policy norms, while the Republic was quicker to legislate against discrimination on the basis of race and ethnicity, yet dismantled much of its institutional infrastructure for responding to racism.